Many Spanish, New Spanish and Peruvian individuals were engaged in one way or another in the trade with China in the eighteenth century. The second half of the eighteenth century, especially the 1780s, constituted a period of various changes in the structure of Pacific trade. Increasing competition among European powers, especially the British, the French, and the Russians, in the Pacific Ocean from the mid-eighteenth century onwards prompted a series of actions on part of the Spanish Empire, such as exploration programmes and the promotion of trade routes between different regions of the Spanish Empire. The composition of cargoes changed, and merchants, companies or other individuals engaged in the ‘China trade’ gradually acquired more familiarity with aspects of Chinese material culture and the provenance of certain commodities. 

Below I will introduce two officers who were active in the early to late 1780s respectively, briefly before (de los Reyes) and after (Camacho) the Royal Company of the Philippines (‘Real Compañía de Filipinas’) was officially founded in 1785, in order to create a monopoly of the Spanish Philippine trade, ^[1]The Real Compañía de Filipinas or Royal Company of the Philippines was founded by royal decree in 1785. Its principal aim was to promote direct trade between the Philippines and Spain and to … Continue reading though the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade remained a monopoly of the Spanish Crown.

One of these individuals, Don Joseph Camacho y Brenes, ^[2]Born in Cádiz, Spain, of a certain Don Pedro Camacho, his father, and Doña Maria Sánchez y Brenes, his mother; see “Autos de inventarios”, fol. 113r; and “Expediente sobre los descuentos … Continue reading graduate naval lieutenant and first pilot of the Royal Navy, was a Spanish navy officer who sailed the Spanish American coasts and the Pacific after settling in Mexico; the other, José de los Reyes, was a ship’s surgeon in the Spanish Armada, who accompanied the merchant ship of a private Spanish company crossing the Indian Ocean from Cádiz to Manila. Only adverse circumstances finally brought him to Acapulco, continuing his journey from Asia across the Pacific to America.

Camacho started his career as an officer in the Spanish navy around 1775 and was stationed in Cádiz before being transferred to the department of San Blas. ^[3]Altamirano Rayos, Kraft, Kutzinski 2019, 106. The port of San Blas was officially founded only in 1768, with the goal of transforming it into the most important port around the Pacific and also of it taking over military functions. ^[4]Pinzón 2014, 17. Archaeological evidence, however, attests to the fact that the port had already been in use in the sixteenth century as a smuggling location. ^[5]Roberto Junco Sánchez confirms that archaeologists have found many objects from the sixteenth century. Junco Sánchez, Pinzón and Estuko 2019. Local Spanish activities included voyages of exploration, as a consequence of which the work force and other personnel were recruited to be permanently stationed there. Joseph Camacho was one of them. Officials like him were permitted to reside at Tepic in the hinterland, where they possessed their own houses, enjoyed many privileges, and where the climate was more comfortable than directly on the coast. ^[6]See Pinzón 2014, with reference to AGNM, Marina, vol. 34, fol. 42v (‘Autorizacion del virrey Bucareli para que oficiales de mar vivan en Tepic’). He was a lieutenant on the frigate Concepción, destined to carry out a Spanish expedition to Alaska. Health reasons, and finally his death, forced him to withdraw from these plans. An inventory of his personal belongings shows that he possessed many goods from China, including items such as ink and paper. He was also a map- and chart-maker, mapping for example the navigation round trip of a ‘nao de China’, a Manila galleon, in 1780, and a nautical chart (1787) that covers parts of the Russian Empire, Qing China, Japan, and the Philippines. I discuss various maps and charts of Camacho in a separate book chapter. ^[7]Huang, Schaab-Hanke, Hanke 2025. Here, I will just point out that he travelled widely across the world’s oceans, including the Pacific. In his last will we are informed that he “embarked on the schooner (goleta) Valdés [also called Santa Rosa and constructed in San Blas; A.S.] in 1790, sailing to the city of Manila in the Philippine Islands as part of a certain commission from the Royal Service”. ^[8]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 21 (113b). Elsewhere, the ship is simply called “buque” (ship); see “Autos de inventarios”, fol. 155r. As I show elsewhere ^[9]Schottenhammer 2025. , Camacho was also part of the famous scientific Malaspina expedition, from 1789–1794. ^[10]This expedition was sponsored by the Spanish Crown and supervised by the Italian mariner Alessandro (Alejandro) Malaspina (1754–1809), assisted by José Bustamante y Guerra (1759–1825). It is also possible that he personally joined the Atrevida, one of the ships of the Malaspina expedition, commanded by José Bustamante y Guerra (1759–1825), travelling to Macao in 1792, or that he at least received some Chinese goods from this ship. ^[11]See my discussion in Schottenhammer 2025. 

Remarkably, the executors (albaceas) of his heritage considered some of the navigation charts and plans in his possession to be useless: The small box with charts and navigational plans was not appreciated as it was considered unusable (el caxoncito con cartas y planos de Navegacion no se apreció por considerarse inservible). ^[12]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 127r.

We do not know which charts and plans are referred to here, but it is clear that Camacho produced a variety of maps with many useful details. Subsequently, however, I focus on a discussion of some of the Chinese goods among his personal belongings.

The ship’s surgeon was José de los Reyes y Sánchez, born 1748 in Estepona, Cádiz, Spain, and ship’s surgeon on the merchant ship ‘El Hércules’. Hércules’ oceanic voyage was the first private voyage of the private merchant company Ustáriz y San Ginés between Cadiz and Manila. The company had ambitious goals to establish ‘new commerce’ (nuevo comercio) between Spain and Asia, ^[13]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 376r. and as we shall see below, it even managed to conduct a voyage across the Pacific, thus breaking into the ‘galleon market’, which was a strict monopoly of the Spanish Crown. José de los Reyes passed away unexpectedly in February 1782 on the way from Acapulco to Mexico City and left a bundle of papers containing interesting information on the actual involvement of a ship’s surgeon into the maritime trade with China and on his personal worldwide networks. For example, he left a large quantity of goods in fifteen cases, originating from Asia and in particular China, and valued in total at 14,450 pesos. The manuscripts also address questions of warranty, details about his involvement with local merchants in Guangzhou and Manila, and information about the sorts of medicines carried in the medical chest of a contemporary ship’s surgeon.

This chapter will contextualise the involvement of these two individuals in the transpacific trade, as well as tapping into warranty and security issues and the value and prices of certain medicines and commodities. I will analyse what kinds of Chinese goods are listed in the inventories of these two men, who, although active at around the same time, were so different in terms of their professions and their starting points. Despite this, however, we shall discover many similarities. The chapter consequently presents two microhistories that can provide us with detailed insights into global and transpacific connections in the later eighteenth century.

* This research was supported by and contributes to the ERC AdG project TRANSPACIFIC, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme (Grant agreement No. 833143).

In his last will José Camacho repeatedly states that his legal executors (albaceas) shall execute his last will accordingly. ^[1]For example, on p. 22r (114r): “mando a mis Albaceas lo cumplan asi, y lo declaro para que comte” (I command my executors to do so, and I declare it to be so, so that it counts) and “mando a … Continue reading For this task, Camacho appointed Don Gonzalo Antonio López de Haro (1760–1823), a Spanish naval officer and explorer, a “graduated frigate lieutenant and first pilot of the Royal Navy”, and like Camacho himself involved in the late eighteenth-century Spanish expeditions in the Northwest Pacific; and Don Antonio Santa María, “one of his neighbours and a merchant”:

And in order to fulfil and because this is my ultimate testament and last will, I will choose and appoint as my will Executors, faithful commissioners and holders of my property, Don Gonzalo López de Haro, graduated frigate lieutenant and first pilot of the Royal Navy, and to Don Antonio Santa Maria, a neighbour and a merchant, to whom I give my power, and sufficient authority, as much will be necessary by Law for the two of them to jointly get access to my property, take possession of it, and sell it in an auction or elsewhere, within the year and day which the money grants them to do so, or in a longer time, as they may require, by extending to the aforementioned Executors (the power) to proceed to the execution of the inventory of the aforesaid assets extrajudicially, without the assistance of a public notary, accountant, parent of children, nor judicial intervention by virtue of the Grace conceived by his Majesty to the testamentaries of this Kingdom of Nueva Galicia, in a Royal Decree issued at Madrid on the 27th day of July 1789, obeyed and enforced by the Royal Audience of the said Kingdom, in an order of the 11th of December of the same year, for being thus my will.

Y para cumplir y porque este mi textamento ultima y postimera voluntad elijo y nombro por mis Albaceas textamentarias, fide y comisarios y tenedores de mis bienes a Don Gonzalo Lo pez de Haro Alferez de fragata graduado, y primer piloto de la Real Armada, y a Don Antonio Santa Maria, vecino y del Comercio de este pueblo, a quienes doy mi poder, y facultad bastante, quanta por D[e]r[ech]o sea necesaria para que los dos juntos de mancomun entren en mis bienes, se apoderen de ellos, y los bendan en almonedas o fuera de ella, dentro del año y dia que el dinero les concede, o el mas tiempo que necesitasen, por prorrogarles como les prorrogo el que asi hubieren menester, procediendo los susodichos Albaceas a la facción del imbentario de los referidos mis bienes extrajudicialmente, sin asistencia de escrivano, contador, padre de menores, ni intervención judicial en virtud de la Gracia concebida por su Magestad a los textadores de este Reyno de Nueva Galicia, en Real Cédula expedida en Madrid a los veinte y siete de Julio de mil setecientos ochenta y nueve, obedecida, y mandada cumplir por la Real Audiencia de este dicho Reyno en Auto de once de diciembre del mismo año, por ser asi mi voluntad. ^[2]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 22v (114v). 

For the remainder of his goods, shares, rights and personal belongings, he appointed his mother María Breñes as sole heir, and in case his mother should pass away, “it is my will that my estate shall be inherited on equal terms by my brother and sister who lived in the aforementioned city of Cádiz”. “I command my executors that whatever is liquid shall be remitted immediately to the said heirs, without allowing it to be transferred to the ‘Royal Treasury of the General Court of Deceased’s Property’ (Real Caja del Juzgado General de Benes de Difunto) in Guadalajara.” ^[3]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 23r (115r). 

The will confirms that José Camacho sailed to the Philippines at least once, in 1790. In a personal letter (see below), he states that he has been to Asia, which could imply that the voyage in 1790 was not his first trip to the Philippines. As we are informed in a dossier discussing discounts made to certain officials, among them José Camacho, the frigate La Princesa also sailed to Manila, obviously in October 1783 ^[4]“Expediente sobre los descuentos”, fols. 465r-v. , returning to San Blas on 2nd of December 1784. ^[5]“Expediente sobre la solicitud de ascenso de Francisco Antonio Mourelle”, fols. 481r-v; see also Garcia et al. 2002, 88: “… salió de allí el 24 de junio …” “… el día 17 (de julio) … Continue reading I have not found any direct reference that Camacho personally went to China. But, as mentioned above, he may have joined the Atrevida in her voyage to China. Most probably, however, he obtained many of his Chinese goods during this voyage to the Philippines and/or through networks with merchants who regularly plied the Pacific to Manila. ^[6]I discuss these possibilities in detail in Schottenhammer 2025. As the judicial documents (autos) substantiate, he was waiting for a cargo from Canton via Manila but then he passed away (see below).

José Camacho describes himself (fol. 20r/113r) and is described as very religious person, possessing a Christian attitude and providing the poor who merited it with goods and discounts wherever possible (fols. 207r-v). In his will, he declares that

Iten I declare that I have never been married, and that, yes, I have remained in celibacy, and that I also do not have any natural children: which I declare so that it counts.

Iten declaro que nunca he sido casado, y si haverme mantenido en el Estado Selibato, ni tampoco tengo ningun hijo natural: lo qual declaro para que comte.

After his death, however, legal issues and a dispute over the inheritance emerged because he had a foreign heiress, Doña Romana Flecher (‘vecina del pueblo de Minondo, or Binondao, Islas Filipinas, fols. 228r and 229r), his widow (fol. 204r), whom he is said to have married in Manila and to have had a son with (fol. 214r), named Cosme Damian (fol. 218r, 221r, et al.). It would go beyond the scope of this chapter to investigate the details around his inheritance. But the fact that he considered this ‘declaration’ important to be included in his last will, implies that he had at least concerns that someone might later claim the opposite, be it justified or not. The most important facts are that somebody else “took his name and proceeded with the wedding” in Manila (fol. 215r). His will was finally annulled for having presented incorrect documents (fol. 217r). And he and his executors were even accused of “having endeavoured to consume the goods to the neglect of the heirs, as the Chinese trade goods are found to be sold at the same prices as they were bought at the factory”. ^[7]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 168r-v.

Antonio de Santa Maria received on the ship Activo a power of attorney from Doña Romana Flecher (‘recibí por el bergatín Actibo el poder de Doña Romana Flecher’; fol. 228r). The Activo had left San Blas on 25 December 1796 to the Philippines and reached Manila 15 March 1797, returning to San Blas in August 1797. ^[8]García et al. 2002, 46, with reference to “Carta nº 317”, and “Llegada a Filipinas del bergantín ‘El Activo’”. Eventually, Gonzalo Antonio López de Haro and Antonio de Santa Maria provided “a new account and a paper with just reasons that they put forward in the performance of their duties, the documents of which are attached to the inventory of the deceased’s goods, with a notice of the amounts of his assets up to the day of his death, according to the account given by the accountant of the (Royal) Navy of the port of San Blas” (Tepic 12 March 1798, signed by the Spanish navy official, Juan Bautista Matute). ^[9]“Autos de inventarios”, fol. 177v: “Con esta dicha me han entregado D.n Antonio López de Aro, D Antonio de S.ta Maria Albaceas del difunto T.te de navío D. Jose Camacho una nueva quenta, y un … Continue reading

Doña Romana Flecher eventually granted Don Miguel Sapiain, i.e. Miguel de Zapiaín, Captain of the Royal Armada and Commandant of the frigate Pilar, the right to receive the inheritance of 7,066 pesos 7 reales 3 granos that was deposited in the Casa de Moneda in Mexico City (fol. 254r). Sapiain was close to returning to Acapulco in convoy with the nao Magallanes, and was to arrange the reclamation of her inheritance in her favour (esp. fol. 255v). Nuestra Señora del Pilar left Cavite 15 September 1797, under Captain Don Miguel de Zapiaín y Valladares, in convoy with the nao Andrés. ^[10]“Carta nº 56 de Miguel José de Azanza”; García et al. 2002, 90, with reference to AGS/SEC-GUERRA-7246, N. 24. The frigate Pilar and the nao Magallanes both left Acapulco in 13 March 1799. Pilar reached Manila in July 1799, obviously also under Captain Don Miguel de Zapiaín. ^[11]García et al. 2002, 47 and 90. The nao Magallanes arrived back in Acapulco on 13 December 1800, ^[12]“Avisa haber llegado a Acapulco la nao ‘Magallanes’” (1800-12-13, México). the Pilar only on 16 November 1801 ^[13]García et al. 2002, 91, with reference to “Directores Compañía Filipinas sobre fragata ‘San Rafael’” (1802-02-08): “y que la Fragata Pilar debía salir de Manila a mediados de agosto [de … Continue reading and obviously left Cavite only in July or August 1801.

The already mentioned will and other judicial documents of José Camacho’s, including an inventory of his belongings, lists various items from China. ^[1]“Autos de inventarios”. Among his belongings also a case with letters and navigation plans is mentioned whose price was not assessed, as it was considered useless (‘un caxoncito con cartas y … Continue reading All the Chinese goods mentioned in his will were later sold at low prices. ^[2]“…se nota por el enunciado señor auditor haberse vendido los efectos de China que se encontraron en la testamentaria, a infirnos precios bajo la expresion de haverse rematado a los mismos … Continue reading Among them we find 12 fans (abanicos) de China à 2 pesos a piece, thus, 24 pesos in total (fol. 124r), 4 kimonos (quimones) de China à 12 pesos, thus 48 pesos in total (fol. 124v), 2 paper reams à 20 quires (resmas de papel) de China à 3 pesos each, thus 6 pesos in total (fol. 125r), 8 blocks of ink (pastillas de tinta) de China à 2 pesos per piece, 16 pesos in total (fol. 125v), 8 large landscapes (painted?) on paper (paises grandes) de China à 12 pesos each (fol. 127r). 

Camacho also left a variety of porcelain and chinaware ceramics, probably belonging to a whole porcelain service set, including:

2 large cups (tasas grandes) à 6 pesos, 
10 plates of fine chinaware (platos de china finos) à 3 reales, 
6 medium-size plate from China à 1.5 reales each, 
1 soup toureen with saucer (la sopera de china con su platillo) à 2 pesos, 
1 small bowl for candies (la dulcera chica de China) à 2 reales, 
a pair of cruets (vinagreras) à 12 reales, 
a small saucer (salcera de China chica) à 6 reales, 
a small glass jar from China with 12 crystal glasses (frasquito chico de China con las doze copitas de cristal), à 28 reales, 
4 small plates for dessert à 1.5 reales each (fol. 127v), 
a small case with ink blocks from China (caxita con panesillos de tinta de China) à 15 pesos (fol. 128r).

Furthermore, he possessed an inkwell set made of metal (juego de tintero de metal), assessed at 15 pesos (fol. 126v), 2 small figurines with their glass showcases (retratos chicos de China con sus vidrieras) á 4 pesos both (fol. 126v), 2 larger figurines à 1 peso, thus 2 in total (fol. 126v), a silken umbrella for women (un paragua chico de seda para muger) à 3 pesos (fol. 127r), a small painted tin tray (fol. 127v), and various books (fols. 128v-129v), many about church history and religious content.

But among the titles we also find books of very practical use on board, such as three volumes of English Nautic (‘Nautica Inglesa’) ^[3]Possibly a reference to the journals of the voyage diaries kept by James Cook (1728–1779), who undertook three voyages (1768–71, 1772–75, and 1776–79/80) in the Pacific. , Mathematics of Bais (‘Matematica de Bais’), ^[4]Bais 1776. Sailing Directions by Cabrera (‘Derrotero de Navegación de Cabrera’), ^[5]This definitely refers to Navegación especulativa y práctica by Joseph Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno (b. ca. 1670, d. after 1733), a Spanish navigator who regularly sailed the Pacific and whose handbook … Continue reading Navy Ordinances (‘Ordenanzas de la Armada’), ^[6]Ordenanzas 1793. Manual Compendium of the Royal Indian Patronage (‘Manuel Compendio de Regio Patronato’), ^[7]Ribadeneyra y Barrientos 1755. Engineer Ordinances (‘Ordenanzas de Ingeniero’), ^[8]Ordenanzas de ingenieros 1790.  two volumes Universal Geography (‘Geografia Universal’), three volumes Army Ordinances (‘Ordenanzas del Exercito’), ^[9]Ordenanzas 1768. Medicine for idleness (‘Medicina para la ociosidad’), Naval Artillery (‘Artilleria de Marina’), ^[10]Díaz Infante 1754. the Educated Sailor (‘Marinero instruido’), ^[11]de Barreda 1786. three volumes of English nautical or naval theatre (‘Náutica inglesa o teatro naval’) ^[12]It is unclear if this title refers to the diaries mentioned in footnote 29 or perhaps to a three volumes literary work on nautical or maritime themes, exploited frequently in the seventeenth and … Continue reading , Relief from Sadness (‘Alivio de tristes’), ^[13]Ribero 1755. Sovereigns of Europe (‘Soberanos de Europa’), ^[14]Trincado Mena 1769. Experimental Physics (‘Física experimentada’), ^[15]Probably de la Fond 1775. Elementary Geometry (‘Geometria elemental’), ^[16]Tofiño de San Miguel 1794. Spherical trigonometry (‘Trigonometría esférica’), ^[17]Fernández Rodríguez 1783–1795? Cosmography and Navigation (‘Cosmografía y Naútica’) ^[18]Cedillo y Rujaque 1745(?). , a volume titled Arithmetic (‘Aritmética’) ^[19]Possibly Father Zaragoza 1669, or de Moya 1703, or de Barrême 1710. , and Practical Manoeuvring of Ships (‘Practica de Maniobras’) ^[20]Fernández and de Santander 1777. . Especially this last title was of very practical use for navigation: it taught the ways of all possible movements of which ships are capable, by means of the rudder and the sails driven by the wind.

An investigation of the book in possession of New Spanish military officials in the period between 1764 and 1810 shows that a great percentage of books (27.3%) are on religion, followed by titles on history (20.2), literature (12.2), and science (11.3), while military titles accounted for only 8.5%. ^[21]Sosa Castañón 2011. 

Among José Camacho’s documents we also find an inventory of his debts (dependencias), including mortuary goods, totalling 20,532 pesos 3.5 reales. ^[22]“Autos de inventarios”, 140r. We are informed about the costs for his funeral ^[23]“Autos de inventarios”, 144r. and several payments, including receipts and confirmations of prices for specific services. The expenses for his funeral, including medicines for his treatment before he passed away, the salary for his doctor, a certain Don Joseph Maldonado, and costs for two letters that were all sent to San Blas on behalf of Don Joseph Maldonado, are listed in detail (fol. 192v). This includes, for example, spirits, wines, bread and chocolate, and food items that were given to the individuals who watched over his body prior to its burial. ^[24]“Tambien se gastaron 9 ps y 4 rs en comprar Aquardiente, Mistela, vino, Pan y Chocolate para darle a la gente que veló el cadáver”, “Autos de inventarios”, 192v. 

A series of letters by ‘various individuals’ (‘Cartas de varios particulares’) ^[25]These were items Camacho purchased from various traders or individuals in Manila. Unfortunately, no concrete names are mentioned. Otherwise, it could have given us some further insights into … Continue reading mentions, among other items, a box with a tea set (un juego de chà en su cajoncito; fol. 185v), 2 large earthenware jars for chocolate (2 tibores para chocolate; fol. 185v), 1 small pot for tea (1 tiborcito para chà; fol. 185v) and a summary of all ceramics (‘Resumen de la loza’; fol. 186r). Under the category ‘various products’ (‘varios efectos’, fol. 186v-187r), we find 30 Chinese landscape illustrations, on paper (‘payses de China en papel’), 2 trunks in camphor wood (baúl de palo alcanfor), 24 ivory hair combs, 20 wooden combs from China (‘peynes de madera de China’), 12 wool combs from China (‘escarmenadores’), 50 combs from Nanking (‘peynes de Lanquin’), 5 large and 3 small (a 4 pesos) ivory cigar boxes. Two of the 5 cost 4.5 pesos, 3 of the 5 cigar boxes 4 pesos, 5 small and 5 large ones made of tortoiseshell (de carey). Among a list of filigrees (fol. 188r), we find 3 golden fans, and various clocks or watches: 2 English clocks à 25 silver pesos, 1 golden clock from France, a watch of the ‘new English idea’ (un relox de nueva idea Ingles), and a watch chain.

Camacho was also waiting for some merchandise to be shipped on a galleon from Manila. This is attested to in a short document entitled ‘Certificate about the goods contained in bundle No. 407, and their prices in Manila’ (Razon de los efectos que contiene el fardo n° 407, y sus precios en Manila’): ^[26]“Autos de inventarios”, 190r and 3v: “13ª Ítem declaro por mis bienes un fardo con varios efectos de Manila que me condujo la Nao que llegó a Acapulco, y viene ya caminando para este pueblo: … Continue reading 

What is of particular interest for our purpose are the items from his inventory that originated from China, either explicitly described as ‘de China’ or without further specification. We do, of course, have to take into account the fact that, especially in earlier Spanish documents, the term ‘China’ does not necessarily mean that the place of origin was China proper. For Spaniards in Europe or the Americas ‘China’ was often used as a synonym for Asia in general. In addition, we have to take into account the large Chinese community in Manila, the Sangleyes, residing in the so-called ‘Parian’, ^[27]For a discussion of the term, see Ruiz-Stovel, 128-130; on the Chinese and Sangleyes in Manila, see especially Gil 2011. who produced a variety of handicraft items, which were consequently also characterised as ‘Chinese’, although strictly speaking they came from the Philippines. This notwithstanding, I would argue that the items described as coming from China in Camacho’s late-eighteenth century product lists were in fact originally shipped from China and reached San Blas via Manila and the Manila galleon. In his inventory we also find a case with a small flask of China with twelve little crystal glasses (frasquito chico de China con las doze copitas de cristal), nothing China was known for. Qing period China had glass workshops, but the glass was basically produced for the imperial court and social elites, not for exportation. ^[28]Ma, Henderson et al. 2020. Curtis 1993 and 2001. So, possibly, these crystals were made of jade? The French Jesuit missionary Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730), who lived in China, for example, encouraged the directors of the French ‘Compagnie de la Chine’ “to export a considerable quantity of mirror and plate glass to sell in China. He also proposed that they establish a factory in Guangzhou. With these factors in mind, the company brought eight glassworkers to China in 1699.” ^[29]Ma, Henderson et al. 2020, 33; Curtis 2001. According to Ma, Henderson et al., the use of European glass to produce glassware and panels in China can be traced to the turn of the eighteenth century … Continue reading But there is no indication that these glass objects were exported.

I. Ceramics

Let us first consider the variety of ceramics mentioned in the inventory. Obviously, Camacho possessed an entire porcelain service, as well as various other Chinese ceramics objects. Next to silks and textiles, ceramics definitely belonged to the most important Chinese export commodities shipped across the Pacific. It wonders little that Camacho also possessed various kinds of Chinese tableware. This included not only jars and dishes for the consumption of hot chocolate, but interestingly, for example, a tea service and a small teapot. This springs to mind because until the early to mid-eighteenth century we rarely encounter tea or objects related to tea on board of the Manila galleons. It could be seen as an indication that in the later eighteenth century Spanish Americans were gradually starting to drink also tea, even though we cannot entirely rule out the possibility that the tea service acted as a kind of exotic chinoiserie. Tea at least starts to be mentioned in the cargo and medicine lists on board in the second half of the eighteenth century. The ‘summary of ceramics’ (resumen de loza) speaks, above all, about plates (platos), cups (tazas), bowls (pozuelos), a kind of (conservation) container (conserveritas), jars (tibores), ceramic mugs (vasos), and small ceramic barrels (barrilitos). These may have been imported from China, possibly Fujian – the port of Xiamen (Amoy) being the principal port of exportation in China – Canton or Macao – the second most important ports of exportation to Manila – or have been produced in the Philippines. A summary of ceramics namely also lists items specifically from Macao (mas de Macao):

• – 8 shaving bowls (basias de afeytar)
• – 1 12-piece set of small plates with cups (1 docena de platos chicos con sus tazas)
• – 1 12-piece set of table plates
• – 2 soup tureens with their saucers (soperitas con sus platillos)
• – 2 cruets (vinagreras)
• – 6 punch bowls (puncheras)
• – 2 5-piece suits of punch bowls
• – 2 saucers with underplates (salceras con sus platitos)
• – 1 small tea flask (frasquito de cha)

Fig. 1: “Resumen de la Loza”, in AGNM, Gobierno virreinal, Filipinas, Contenedor 7, volumen 18, expediente 4, 186r.

II. Kimonos

Among various other silks and textiles from Asia, the four kimonos (quimones) from China for 12 pesos each attract attention. We know the kimono as the traditional robe in Japan. As Andreia Martins Torres has noted, the term ‘quimón’ (pl. quimones) starts to appear in New Spanish documentation from the sixteenth century onwards. ^[30]Martins Torres 2018, 139-161, 144. See also Martins Torres 2013, 247-279. Following the 1803-edition of the Dictionary of the Spanish Language of the Real Academia Española (RAE), the term refers to a very fine cotton fabric, painted and stamped, the size of eight rods (varas), each part making a cut of a man’s dressing gown. It was a very fine cloth, stamped and painted, and the best quality ones originate from Japan. ^[31]Martins Torres 2013, 249, with reference to RAE, 708. The entry ‘quimón’ in the modern edition explains, quite similar: “Tela de algodón, que tiene unos seis metros y medio de largo por … Continue reading A “quimón” in Spanish is also described as a “(v)ery fine cotton cloth, stamped and painted, each about 6.5 meters long and shaped like a robe”. ^[32]Castro-Baker 2018, 74, with reference to Instituto Mexicano de Comercio Exterior, 25. It is certainly interesting to note, that especially in later periods the fabrics used was, as a rule, cotton, and not silk, and cotton kimonos were often produced in India. ^[33]See Martins Torres 2018, 139-161. 

Our inventory does not specify which kinds of textile were used, nor from exactly which port the garments were originally imported. The main Chinese port for exportation to Manila was of course Xiamen (Amoy), Fujian, but the kimonos may also have been imported from either Canton or Macao, Guangdong. Cotton, at any rate, was grown in both Fujian and Guangdong. ^[34]Zurndorfer 2011, 705-706. Twelve pesos for a kimono was certainly not cheap, but also not over-expensive. For comparison, a jacket with white satin embroidery was bought for 24 pesos, a waistcoat embroidered with silver on fine muslin cost 4.5 pesos, a cotton waistcoat just 11 reales, and a silken waistcoat 12 reales (fol. 181v).

III. Paper and Ink

Another interesting item are the two reams of paper from China à 20 quires (resmas de papel) à 3 pesos each. It is clear that the Spanish bureaucracy in both Spanish America and the Philippines needed huge quantities of paper. ‘Sealed paper’ (papel sellado) was eagerly awaited in Manila and normally came from New Spain; ^[35]Many documents in the AGI discuss the arrival or request of paper by local governors of the Philippines. See, for example, “Carta de Torrecampo sobre llegada de papel sellado” (1722-06-22); … Continue reading it was used for official and judicial purposes had to carry the official seal of the Spanish Crown. But in our case, a private individual purchased paper and ink. The ink, too, often came from Europe or New Spain. So, it is intriguing to read that in this specific case, ink was bought in China. Elsewhere we can see that shipments of paper from China were not absolutely exceptional: The cargo list of the San Pablo mentions two bundles of writing paper (‘dos fardos de papel para escribir’), ^[36]“Autos sobre barcos portugueses San Pablo y Nuestra Señora de la Piedad” (1696-05-25), fols. 188v-189r. two cases of vermillion ink (‘dos caxas de tinta de vermellion’), four baskets of writing paper, and another eight bundles of writing paper. ^[37]“Autos sobre barcos portugueses San Pablo y Nuestra Señora de la Piedad”, fol. 189r. To protect the paper from water and humidity when in transit on board ships, it was wrapped in mats or sisal fibre. ^[38]Palazuelos Mazars, 138.

We also possess two other documents from 1780 which speak about the purchase of ink in China: The governor-general of the Philippines, José Vasco y Vargas (1733–1805; appointed August 1776, in office July 1778–1786), greatly appreciated the high quality of Chinese ink. In compliance with the order of 8 January 1781 to provide four dozen ink stone tablets for remittance to the secretary of the universal office of the Indies (letter dated 11 July 1782) – especially of the ink of the brands ‘The Horses’ (los Caballos) or ‘The Dragons’ (los Dragones), ^[39]“Cartas de José Basco y Vargas sobre envío de tinta china” (1782-07-11): “quatro dozenas de Barretas grandes de tinta de China de la marca de los Cavallos, o de los Dragones”; and “Cartas … Continue reading he writes:

For the use of the Secretariat, we need a portion of ink from China, of the best [quality] particularly of the large sticks of the brands ‘The Horses’ or ‘The Dragons’.

Se necesita para el uso de la Secretaría una porción de tinta de la China, de la mejor particularmente de la de Barretas grandes, de la marca de los Caballos, o de los Dragones. ^[40]“Cartas de José Basco y Vargas sobre envío de tinta china” (1782), 2r.

Given the high praise for local Chinese ink, we may assume that what the Spaniards bought was perhaps a type of Huizhou 惠州 ink, considered among the best-quality ink in contemporary China.

In a second letter, José Vasco y Vargas reports that the ship that transported the forty-eight tablets of ink, which they had loaded at the port of Nanjing in the Chinese Empire, had the bad luck of be shipwrecked. “This is the reason why we bought another four dozen of ink in ‘this capital’ [that is, Nanjing], and it was the best ink we have ever encountered. ^[41]This suggests it may have been a Huizhou-style ink that was sold in Nanjing. And we send it on this occasion to the port of Acapulco with the galleon San Josef.” On 20 June 1783, the ink was forwarded to the frigate San Josef. ^[42]“Cartas de José Basco y Vargas sobre envío de tinta china” (1786), 3r and 4r. This source also tells us that there existed a very detailed knowledge on the quality of Chinese ink and its provenance, information we do not necessarily find in other sources.

High-quality ink may certainly be considered a marginal item, but it was no rarity on ships in the eighteenth century. A demand existed not only among Spain’s Philippine bureaucracy, but also in New Spain and the viceroyalty of Peru. In 1723, we find ink from Nanjing (‘tinta Lanquin’) as part of the cargo of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, sailing from Manila (Cavite) to Acapulco. Various Chinese ships sailing to Manila from Amoy, Jiangnan (Shanghai), or Macao between 1740 and 1750 also carried ink on board, as, for example, “writing ink” (‘tinta paraescribir’ in 1742, 1746, and 1750). ^[43]See the entries in our TRANSPACIFIC meta database in FileMaker format, especially entries by Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel. Sometimes we also read about “Sangley writing paper” from Sangleys (‘papel de escribir Sangley’). ^[44]Ibid. Thirty-seven ships between 1741 and 1808 sailing from Amoy to Manila – except for one ship in 1749 sailing from Quanzhou and the last two in 1808 sailing from Shanghai – carried (‘tinta de jumo’) on board, and another six ships sailing from Amoy to Manila between 1740 and 1749 carried ‘ink’ on board. ‘Tinta de jumo’ is probably ‘tinta de humo’ or ‘negro de humo’, according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (RAE) a “powder collected from the fumes of resinous materials and used in the manufacture of some inks, shoe polish and other preparations”. ^[45]https://dle.rae.es/negro#7rFlCm0, ‘negro de humo’. I am very grateful to Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel for providing me with this identification. This suggests that ink and paper were shipped more frequently from China to Manila in the eighteenth century and that Chinese ink and paper also found their way across the Pacific to New Spain.

José de los Reyes y Sánchez, a native of Estepona and resident of Cádiz, Spain, was a surgeon in the Spanish Navy (Armada), ^[1]He was married in Cádiz with a certain Josefa Mauro and had one daughter of seven or eight years, whose names, the witnesses, however, did not know. The deceased had told them several times that he … Continue reading and was employed as a surgeon (primer cirujano) on the private merchant ship ‘El Hércules’, alias San Francisco de Paula, which set sail in Cádiz on April 2, 1779, with destination Manila, Philippines, to trade locally and with China. This vessel had simultaneously served as a warship in the battles between Spain and England. The commercial voyage was organised  by the Spanish trading company Ustáriz y San Ginés. ^[2]Ustáriz y San Ginés, based in Cádiz, was one of the two companies being authorised by the Spanish Crown in a decree of 1778 to conduct direct trade with Asia from Spain and was officially founded … Continue reading The historical circumstances of the voyages of the El Hércules have been examined in detail by María Dolores Herrero Gil. ^[3]Herrero Gil 2010. Ander Permanyer Ugartemendia introduces another merchant who originally boarded the Hércules and later became factor of the Real Compañía de Filipinas in Canton, Manuel de Agote … Continue reading 

I will consequently focus on part of de los Reyes belongings and commercial activities in Asia, which not only attest to the commercial involvement of a doctor in the contemporary China trade, but provide us with interesting details about the commodities he purchased and the ways in which these commercial activities were financed. José de los Reyes can be considered a what María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala has called a “surgeon-merchant” or “doctor-merchant” (cirujano-comerciante). ^[4]Rodriguez-Sala 2004. The set of papers (‘Inventario de Papeles’) preserved in the Archivo General de la Nación (AGNM) in Mexico City constitute a very valuable supplement to the information we possess from the Archivo General de Indias (AGI) in Sevilla. The manuscripts nicely complement each other. To provide the reader with a better impression of the items and documents in José de los Reyes’ possession, I include a separate appendix with an annotated transcription of his most important papers.

Originally, the crew of the Hércules planned to return to Cádiz, but eventually the captain changed these plans. He requested and obtained authorisation from the governor of the Philippines, José Basco y Vargas, to proceed to Canton to buy Chinese products, and then to continue the voyage to Acapulco to sell them. A letter by José de los Reyes, dated 15 January 1781 in Macao, reports that the Hércules had arrived at the port on 18 May 1780 and that they intended to sail to Acapulco in early April 1781. ^[1]Herrero Gil 2010. María Dolores Herrero Gil argues convincingly that this alteration of the routes was related to the declaration of war between Spain and England on 16 June 1779. ^[2]She argues that the proxies could have arrived in the Philippines between the date of the declaration of war and 10 May 1780, when the change of plans was first recorded. It was hardly due to their … Continue reading This can also explain how and why a ship of a private merchant company could break into the transpacific Manila galleon trade, which continued to be a strict Spanish Crown monopoly.

José de los Reyes was very concerned about the response of his creditors to the change of route. ^[3]Herrero Gil 2010, with reference to “Bienes de difuntos”, third letter of José de los Reyes. The risky investment of 33,000 reales de vellón ^[4]“Moneda de plata, del valor de 34 maravedís, que equivalía a 25 céntimos de peseta” (‘Silver coin, worth 34 maravedís, which was equivalent to 25 centimos of a peso’), see … Continue reading (i.e. 1,650 pesos de a ocho) that the surgeon José de los Reyes formalised on 31 December 1779 with the chaplain of the frigate Juno, was destined to finance the purchase of goods in Canton, where they planned to go at the beginning of March. ^[5]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 49. In a letter written by Francisco Gomez to Don Antonio Martinez on 26 March 1779, José de los Reyes is described as a very trustworthy and reliable individual to be commissioned with the provision of goods in Asia. ^[6]“Inventario de de los Papeles”, fol. 376v. 

In the first letter he sent to his partner, Don Francisco Gómez, on 8 January 1780, he described the abundance of goods on the market, the impossibility of placing his merchandise, and the need to delay his return for a year because he had arrived late in Manila and needed sufficient time to buy in Canton and leave from there in December. ^[7]“Bienes de difuntos”, fols. 121v-122r, carta primera del cirujano José de los Reyes. 

It is clear from all the papers we have from and about José de los Reyes that he was not simply a ship’s surgeon but an active Cádiz merchant with a wide network and connections across the Spanish Empire. He finally disembarked in Acapulco on February 15, 1782, passed away unexpectedly shortly afterwards, and left a quantity of goods in fifteen cases, originating from Asia, to be sold in México City, as well as 8,000 pesos of silver that he had given to a local merchant in Acapulco as a security deposit. ^[8]Rodriguez-Sala 2004, 124. A certain Don José Joaquín de Sasturain confirmed that José de los Reyes had transferred 8,000 pesos into his possession in order to pay the royalty rights (Derechos Reales) in Acapulco, of which he was the guarantor (fiador). ^[9]“Bienes de difunto”, 2r-v; see also footnote 76. 

José de los Reyes’ paper inventory also includes an invoice of medicines for the pharmacy ^[10]“Factura del contenido en una frasquera de medicina”, in “Inventario de los Papeles”, fol. 364r. and, interestingly, an invoice and confirmation about the possession of a case (frasquera) with bottles (frascos) of almond oil (aceyte de almendras), 272 pounds (123.38 litres), and one case with bottles of medicinal oil (aceyte de medicinas) that served as a kind of warranty for his business in China and Asia. ^[11]“Factura de la Frasquera de Az.te de Almendras por quenta de D.n Josef de Reyes en 23 de Marzo de 1770”, in “Inventario de los Papeles”, 366r and 383 and 390r. The almond oil was valued at 2,004 reales in total, that is, 250.5 pesos. The oil was therefore not just part of his medical chest but served as security.

José de los Reyes was a debtor and holder of investments amounting to 4,420 pesos of 128 quartos. His death led to the liquidation of his assets, a circumstance that provides us with very interesting information, as María Dolores Herrero Gil has pointed out. ^[12]Herrero Gil 2010. The system of loans and deposits and the sharing of “sea risk” (riesgo de mar) was complex, and I cannot delve more deeply into it here. ^[13]The interested reader should read the excellent dissertation of Ruiz-Stovel 2019, as well as the already quoted article by Herrero Gil 2010. A calculation of José de los Reyes’ “sea risk insurance” (seguro de riesgo del mar) can be found among the documents in Contaduría. ^[14]“Bienes de difuntos”, 129r-v. “The risks are, and are to be understood as sea, wind, land, fire, friends or enemies (‘amigos enemigos’), and other unfortunate maritime risks, which may come … Continue reading The risk was normally calculated in accordance with each leg of the sea voyage, for example, Cádiz to Manila, or in this case, the leg from Cádiz, here referred to as “this port” (este puerto), to Manila: 2,409 pesos à 4.5%, that is, 108 pesos 3 reales. The risk insurance for the voyages from Manila to Canton and from Canton to Acapulco, where the risk was given to be accomplished, amounted to 3,745.5 pesos à 5%, that is, 187 pesos 2 reales (fol. 129r). ^[15]By virtue of the deed, and with reservation of the creditor’s rights under the clauses of the deed, 2,800 pesos were ordered to be paid to the authorised proxy, Don Severino de Arechavala, a … Continue reading 

Among the papers of José de los Reyes, we also find a list of beneficiaries and a statement of the quantity of his goods serving as a warranty and security deposit (fol. 383). After both business partners of the company, Francisco de Llano San Ginés and Juan Agustín de Ustáriz, had passed away, and given the new sea route, the executor (albacea) of the San Ginés Company, Juan Felipe de Madariaga, requested the king’s arbitration, proposing that the creditors and the company should form a common body and be distributed in proportion among everybody. As an alternative, he suggested that the loans be settled in Acapulco, so that the second sea-risk loan, for the voyage from Manila to Spain, would be exchanged for that from Macao to Acapulco, according to the number of the deeds, but delivering double silver pesos instead of simple pesos (sencillos) ^[16]There exists a great deal of confusion on the exact value in contemporary documents and secondary literature, last not least because the Bourbon dynasty started to create a monetary subsystem … Continue reading for payment in Cádiz. ^[17]This is explained in detail in María Dolores Herrero Gil, “El punto de vista o la revisión de dos viajes a Extremo Oriente”: “The request is dated in this city on 23 April 1781 and was … Continue reading The idea must have been that they promised to pay more due to the higher risk involved.

José de los Reyes was also very concerned, as he was engaged in a risky operation of 33,000 silver reales de vellón, destined to finance the purchase of goods in Canton, as we have seen above. According to the original schedule, they intended to leave Manila in April 1780 (as they apparently did on the 22nd), buying and loading merchandise in Canton for a few months, setting sail at the end of the year and arriving back in Cádiz in June or July 1781:

I, Joséf de los Reyes, surgeon of the class of Seconds of the Royal Navy, destined for the ship Hércules of the Company Ustáriz and San Ginés of the Trade of Cádiz, say that I have received from Don Fernando Atelo, Chaplain of this same Royal Navy, embarked on the King’s frigate, named Juno, about to return from the Bay of Manila to Cadiz, the sum of thirty-three thousand silver reales de vellon, so that I may use them for goods and effects as may suit me best, at Canton, Port of China, where the said ship will be sailing to at the beginning of next March; which amount shall be at risk, on the keel and vessel thereof, from the said Port of Canton to the Port of Cadiz, under the registration item, in the loads ^[18]A “tercio” is half a “carga” (see Diccionario de Autoridades (1739), Tomo IV, entry ‘terico’: “TERCIO. Se llama también la mitad de una carga, que se divide en dos tercios, quando vá … Continue reading or cases, to which the aforementioned amount is assigned, with the signs J. [osé] R. [de los Reyes]; the same [amount], will be paid to the aforementioned D. Fernando Atelo, or to the person who represents him, if I return to Cadiz, or to any other passage of Spain in Europe; plus half of the profits that the use of it will produce, obliging me to comply with everything according to law; and for the truth, I sign it in Manila the 31st of December 1779.

It is 33,000 silver reales de vellón Josef de los Reyes

Digo yo, D.n Joséf de los Reyes, cirujano de la clase de Segundos de la Real Armada, con destino en el nav.o Hercules de la compañía Ustáriz y San Ginés deel Comercio de Cádiz; que hé recibido de D.n Fernando Atelo, Capellán de la misma R.l Arm.da, embarcado sobre la fragata del Rey, titulado la Juno, pronta a regresar desta la Bahia de Manila a la de Cádiz, la cantidad de treinta y tres mil reales de v.on para que pueda emplearlos en los géneros y efectos, que mas me convengan, en Cantón, Puerto de la China, donde hará viage el dicho nav.o al primer próximo marzo: cuya cantidad deberá correr riesgo, sobre la quilla y buque de él, desde el citado Puerto de Cantón hasta el de Cadiz, baxo partida de registro, en los tercios o Caxones a que aseienda la referida cantidad, con la marca J. R.; la misma que assi retorno a Cadíz, o a otro qualquier pasage de España en Europa, pagará al mencionado D. Fernando Atelo, o a la persona que le representare; con mas la mitad de ganancias, que produzca el empleo de ella, obligándome al cumplimiento de todo conforme a derecho; y por ser verdad, lo firmo en Manila, a treinta y uno de Diciembre de mil setezientos setentaynueve=

son#33000#rv.n Josef de los Reyes ^[19]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 99r.

The frigate Juno was a ship of the Spanish Armada. In 1776, the company of the Five Major Guilds, a competitor of Utáriz y San Ginés, had been granted its first license by the Spanish Crown to trade directly with Asia, including the establishment of a factor in Manila and one in Canton, as well as the authority to transport goods on official Armada navy ships destined for the Philippines, as we have seen above (see note 70). The company was already using this privilege at end of 1778, embarking cargo on the frigate Juno. ^[20]Already in December 1777, the company asked for the support and protection of the navy and sent goods and supplies on the frigate Astrea and the urca Santa Inés and, at the end of 1778, it embarked … Continue reading Now, in 1780/81, obviously both Hércules and Juno were being used for the shipment of Chinese and Asian commodities. The company also used its own ship, the frigate Nuestra Señora de las Nieves, for trade with Manila. ^[21]Alfonso Mola and Martínez Shaw 2019, 1-18 (accessed on 19 January, 2025). 

Through the establishment of this direct route between Spain, Manila and China, the quantity of Asian commodities imported into Spain increased significantly. The main goods that were transported by official ‘Armada ships’ were not luxury goods, but cotton and silk fabrics, spices such as cinnamon, sugar, pepper, wax, vermilion and to a lesser extent coffee, tea, nutmeg and indigo, the latter used for dyeing. But we also find, of course, other items like Chinese porcelain sets or lacquer ware. ^[22]Alfonso Mola and Martínez Shaw 2019

In total, José de los Reyes wrote four letters to Don Francisco Gómez: the first one in Manila on 8 January 1780, ^[23]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 121v-122r. the second one in Macao on 15 January 1781, ^[24]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 122r-v. the third one also in Macao on 6 February 1781, ^[25]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 123r. and a fourth one in Acapulco on 25 January 1782. ^[26]See “Bienes de difuntos”, fols. 123r-v and 121r-v. On the following pages the contents of the letters are summarised, and large parts are reproduced as part of a corpus of judicial documents … Continue reading The first letter explains that, due to a delay in their voyage, they have been unable to sail to Canton to make their purchases. They finally left Manila for Canton in April and stayed there until December 1780. ^[27]“Bienes de difuntos”, fols. 121v-122r. In the second letter, written from Macao, he mentions that the sale of merchandise was not as successful as he had hoped, as there was plenty of everything in abundance; but fortunately, some progress was made due to the change in their destination (‘variacion de destino’). They stayed in Macao from the 18th of May 1780 and planned to leave for Acapulco in April 1781. ^[28]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 122r. “According to what everybody tells us, this voyage can be useful for us, and I have already spent our money in goods from the coast” (‘segun todos nos dicen el viage puede sernos de utilidad, ya tengo empleado nuestro dinero en generos de costa’). ^[29]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 122v. His third letter was also sent from Macao, on 6 February 1781:

In the last one, I told Your Honour I would see his friend who gave us the two thousand pesos and to inform him of our change of destination because of the war, so that he could determine at his own will what to do with his money, and communicate it to me at Acapulco. …
Our money has already been spent on our own profits and for our destination I will spend it in the same Canton.

En la pasada dije a V.m. viese a su amigo el q.e nos dio los dos mil pesos y le comunicase nuestra variación de destino a causa de la guerra, para q.e determine a su voluntad de su dinero, y me lo communique a Acapulco….
Nuestro dinero esta ya empleado en los renglones proprios para nuestro destino lo emplee en el mismo cantón… ^[30]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 123r.

In this third letter, José de los Reyes also expressed his concerns about the response of his creditors to the change of route. Given the new route of the Hércules, which was now sailing to Acapulco instead of back to Cádiz, it was impossible to meet all the return deadlines originally agreed upon. Of course, there were sufficient reasons for José de los Reyes to be concerned. ^[31]The holders of the loans, for example, refused to annul the clause that penalised them on a monthly basis. For this reason, the king’s arbitration was requested, proposing that the creditors and … Continue reading He remained a debtor and finally passed away without a will (intestado, abintestado), ^[32]“Bienes de difuntos”, fols. 45r, 157r. as a consequence of which a whole series of legal issues arose. ^[33]He remained debtor of 2,446 pesos, see “Bienes de difuntos”, fols. 45r, 163r; “…no hay mora ni esculpa del deudor, quando el acreedor no lo pide”, “Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 163v.

We also have to consider that Francisco de Llano San Ginés had passed away in late 1780 and Juan Agustín in early 1781, changes that would affect responsibilities within the company itself. Instructions to change the original destination from Cádiz to Acapulco could have reached the Philippines between 16 June 1779, when war was declared, and 10 May 1780, when we have the first record of the change of plans, ‘as we believe that such an important decision was hardly due to their initiative. Rather, we think that San Ginés and Ustáriz saw the declaration of the conflict as an unbeatable pretext to compete with the regular galleon centenary’, as María Dolores Herrero Gil explains. ^[34]Herrero Gil 2010, the original in Spanish reads as follows: “Estimamos que entre el 16 de junio de 1779, en que se declaró la guerra, y el 10 de mayo de 1780, en que tenemos la primera constancia … Continue reading The Manila galleon trajectory was a Spanish government monopoly, as a consequence of which the plans of the company Ustáriz y San Ginés to sail from Asia to Acapulco and back to Manila, ^[35]“…para el seguro, y q.e de Acapulco es regular, volvamos a Manila”, “Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 122v. shipping merchandise, actually constituted a violation of this monopoly.

On 13 December 1781, the Hércules finally arrived at Acapulco, its cargo valued at 224,384 pesos, although applying Philippine purchase prices, this was reduced to 206,212 pesos. Before its departure, however, José de Ustáriz, son of Juan Agustín, had valued the trip from Manila to Acapulco at 400,000 pesos.

José de los Reyes, finally, wrote his fourth letter at Acapulco on 25 January 1782:

As far the negotiations are concerned, I told Your Honour in the correspondence that I have addressed to you – since I have been away and the fair has not yet been held in this port, which is the way to sell [the commodities purchased in Asia]: it will be held from one day to the next, as all the Mexican buyers are already here – that according to the way things look like, I believe it will not go badly: I have informed the stakeholders of our money [about the new situation] as soon as the change in the destination of our ship was known, as I had told you, notifying them also about our arrival here [at Acapulco], so that they could determine [how to proceed], but they have not informed me either.
I am staying here, and from here, in a few days, as soon as the fair is held, I am going to Mexico, as I am unable to continue my journey, and the ship will leave very soon for Manila, according to what people say. I hope you will write to me at length to Mexico, informing me of all the news you have….

En quanto a negociacion el correo q.e viene dire a Vm. como he salido pues todavía no se ha celebrado la feria en esto puerto q.e es el modo de vender: de un dia a otro se celebrará pues ya están aquí todos los compradores Mexicanos: según el semblante de las cosas creo no se saldría mal: a los interesados del dinero luego que se supo la variación del destino del navío lo comunique como dije al Vm. noticiandoselos y la venida aquí para que determinasen y tampoco me han enterado.
Yo me quedo aquí, y de aquí a unos días quanto se celebre la feria me voy p.a Mexico por estar imposibilitado de continuar viage, y el navío salir muy pronto para Manila, según dicen. Espero me escriva Vm largamente a Mexico comunicandome todas las novedades q.e haya… ^[36]“Bienes de difuntos”, fol. 123v.

He had consequently decided to stay in Mexico, as he had become sick, although the prospects did not seem so bad, he writes. Finally, however, even the Hércules did not return to Manila. It left for Guayaquil to load some cargo and later arrived in Lima, where finally an adventure of a very different kind began (see also below, note 144).

Among the commodities of José de los Reyes that were clearly carried from Europe to Asia, “lunas azogadas” from Germany spring to mind, that is, mirrors with a mercury coating on the back, whose size allows to see people in their entire body. ^[37]See the entry in the Diccionario de la lengua española, Real Academia Española, https://dle.rae.es/luna?m=form. Also the thirty-two flat glass pieces (vidrios planos) were probably brought from Europe. Contemporary Chinese admired European glass and crystal. The quality of their own Guangdong glass was described as very inferior to foreign glass, as “thin and brittle”. ^[38]Curtis 1993, 92. It seems, thus, very plausible that these glass objects among his goods were supposed to be sold in China in exchange for Chinese commodities. Mentioned are also hats (sombreros), barrels with spirits and oils. ^[39]“Inventario de los Papeles”, fol. 363v. Such European products were probably intended for Europeans living in Asia or perhaps supposed to be sold in China or the Philippines to be exchanged for Chinese or Asian goods.

Among his papers we also find an “Invoice of the contents of a medicine chest, added to the dowry case, with the mark in the margin, which on his account embarks Don Josef de Reyes in the private ship named the Hércules”. We read of herbs, root extracts, oils, salts, spirits, glass flasks with essences (frascos de cristal con las esencias), extracts, gums, etc. This inventory is rather typically European, I would argue: a substance such as camphor, a typical and widely used Asian remedy, for example, is totally missing. Lemon gum (goma de limón) and Cochlearia officinalis L. with seeds (coclearia con simiente) – a plant that has been used as one of the major antiscorbutic medicines due to its high vitamin C content, and it is thus also known as ‘scurvy grass’ ^[1]Font Quer 2016, 276-277. – were valued for preventing scurvy. Various salts were mentioned ^[2]Tartar salt (potassium carbonate), mentioned are also jars with tartar salt (limetas con sal de tártaro), can help against heartburn and prevent gingivitis, for example. , which suggests a Paracelsian approach to medicine, ^[3]Paracelsus (1493–1541) reformed the traditional medical concept of healing, which was based mainly on the theories of Galen (129–c. 200) and Avicenna (980–1037), by introducing treatment with … Continue reading and we also read of essential oils, which came to play an increasingly large role in the course of the eighteenth century.

The list includes cinchona (quina electa), a product of America, famous for its use against malaria. Then ‘mana’ essence, a balsam, is mentioned. The ‘oil of Mathiolo’, an antidote oil invented by the Italian doctor and naturalist Pedro Andrea Mattioli (1501–1577), was made from scorpion oil, also known as Matiolo’s admirable oil. According to Carmen M. Francés Casaupé, this “polypharmaceutical medicine was used extraordinarily in therapeutics until the 18th century as an excellent antidote and to combat various diseases such as smallpox, malignant fevers, plague”, paralysis and epilepsy (perlesia y alferecía). ^[4]English translation from the Spanish quotation in Carmen M. Francés Casaupé, “Consideraciones sobre creencias, farmacia y terapéutica. Discurso leído en la solemne sesión inaugural del curso … Continue reading 

But unfortunately, we we basically learn very little about which medicines, herbs, plants and aromatics José de los Reyes might have purchased from China or from the Chinese Sangley pharmacist whom he gave 250 pesos (fol. 391), ^[5]According to Don Antonio Botiñon’s own statement, “Razon de lo que me deben en Manila” (fol. 391r), “el chino Chenqua mercader de Canton” owed him 910 pesos, of which 214 belonged to José … Continue reading probably to provide him with some medicinal drugs from Canton and the Philippines (see below). 

An investigation into the direct trade between Cádiz and Manila carried out in ships of the contemporary navy divides the goods imported into Spain from Manila into five main categories: cottons; silks; spices, aromatics and medicines; ceramics; and precious metals. ^[6]Cosano Moyano 1981, 183-220. Among those aromatics and medicines, we also find more than ten quintals of coffee, some tea, China root (raíz de China), rhubarb, musk, camphor, achiote, indigo and Chinese ink (tinta China). ^[7]Cosano Moyano 1981, 202. This means that these ships also took products like indigo and achiote and Chinese ink back across the Indian Ocean to Spain. Indigo and achiote originated from America, but we know that indigo was also transplanted to the Philippines, and its cultivation was promoted in the 1780s. ^[8]“Sobre el cultivo de la canela, nuez moscada, pimienta”, AGI, Filipinas 723, N. 1 (1782), N. 2 (1787–88). I have not yet encountered any mention of achiote being transplanted, however. Tea, China root, camphor and rhubarb may have been among the items he sought to purchase in China, but unfortunately, we cannot make any definitive statements about this.

Among the goods los Reyes purchased in Canton are many silks: ‘seda quiña’, for example, springs to mind. The term ‘quiña’ may have been applied due to its brownish colour, similar to that of cinchona or Peruvian bark (quina). This was obviously reeled silk. ^[1]Castro-Baker 2018, 8, 80; here, ‘seda quiña’ is described as a type of silk yarn sold in bundles and lacking the lustre of floss silk. Sandra Carlo Castro-Baker writes that “(n)o definition has been found for this type of silk fibre. It appears to be of low value and was probably referred to a kind of silk waste.” ^[2]Castro-Baker 2018, 80. The list of prices in Canton found among de los Reyes papers informs us that 1 picul of best-quality ‘seda quiña’ from Canton cost 360 pesos, 1 picul of first quality white twisted silk 346 pesos, and 1 picul of white floss silk ^[3]Soft untwisted silk yarns often used as embroidery thread. of secondary quality 175 pesos. This actually suggests that, at least in our case, ‘seda quiña’ was quite valuable: in the attached price list, it is the priciest silk item. That ‘seda quiña’ is mostly a high-quality product is confirmed by Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel, who describes it as the finest form of yarn, valued as high as 400 pesos per picul. ^[4]Ruiz-Stovel 2019, 353. We find this kind of fine silk yarn both on Chinese ships carrying it to Manila and on transpacific galleons. ^[5]Our TRANSPACIFIC project database mentions this, for example, for the 1723 galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos, sailing from Cavite to Acapulco, and for Chinese ships sailing from Amoy to Manila in 1680 … Continue reading 

We read about “sayasayas”, probably “more of a tunic-like cloth, much like cotton counterparts”, ^[6]Ruiz-Stovel 2019, 406-407. or referring to a type of silk taffeta, manufactured in China, coloured white, pearl-coloured or scarlet, and varying in thickness. ^[7]Carlo Castro-Baker 2018, 79. It was widely accessible through the Manila galleon trade and existed in different qualities and colours. It was produced in various Asian countries, and the term “Saya sayas nacaris” ^[8]Nacarí or nazar refers to Yúsuf ben Názar, and more generally to the Muslim dynasty that ruled Granada, Spain, from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. See Diccionario de la lengua española, … Continue reading could suggest a Spanish Muslim origin.

Some of the most valuable products we find in the list are the so-called ‘bundled silk [threads]’ (seda mazo): We read about “1 pico de seda de mazo (obviously bundled silk) de 2e de Caveza à 220 pesos”, “1 pico de seda mazo Canton à 165 pesos”, and “1 pico de seda mazo de 1ª à 230 pesos”, all very pricy items. The relatively frequent mentioning of ‘punzón’ textiles in the list of prices in Canton springs to mind: “fines punson” (most probably a fabric with a fine texture), “espumillas punson” (a light, crepe-like fabric), “Lanquin punson” (textiles originating from the Nanjing region or being exported through the port of Nanjing), “raso punson” (a satin cloth), “raso punson de Canton” (satin cloth originating from Canton), “raso punzon labrado” (a probably embroidered satin cloth), “lines punzones” (probably a kind of linen cloth), “carmesi punson” (a red silk fabric). The commodity list actually repeatedly mentions “raso punson”, and we find even a reference to a “scarlet rose colour” (color grana punsoni rosa). ^[9]“Inventario de los Papeles”, fols. 367-368 and 370v. Among the goods of José Camacho we also find “espumillas punson”, “raso punson”, and “ninfa punson” (a silk-type fabric from Asia). But what do we have to imagine by that? Was ‘punzón’ a kind of punched imprint or a weaving or embroidery technique? Does it refer to a kind of coloured embroidery? A mid nineteenth-century dictionary by Francisco de Paula ^[10]Francisco de Paula 1851, 423-424. I am grateful to Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel who drew my attention to this dictionary. suggests that punson may have been a type of pink color, achieved by dying silk in a series of possible combinations of achiote and alazor/cártamo (safflower).

The price list finally includes not only silks, porcelains, cotton and other fabrics, but also items like gold paper (‘papel de oro’) or Chinese cinnamon (‘canela de China’). ^[11]“Inventario de los Papeles”, fol. 362r-v. José de los Reyes was also involved in the trade of Havana cigars (3.5 libras de cigarros Havanas). ^[12]“Inventario de los Papeles”, fol. 378.

Interesting in our context is the ‘pharmacist’ (botiquero) ‘Chenqua’ or ‘Chanqua’, who is mentioned in various documents and is also described as a Chinese merchant of Canton (fols. 391r, 397r). It is little wonder that José de los Reyes had contact with a pharmacist, perhaps trying to obtain some Chinese medical drugs through him. But we learn nothing more about medicines. We read instead about wallpaper games (fol. 369r) ^[13]Ones set of wallpapers according to the sample at 24 sheets per set, 4 sets of wallpapers according to the sample at 9 m. sheets, and 6 sets as per sample at 24 pesos. Two game sets should each have … Continue reading and various small items (‘piezecitas’, fol. 397r). One brief note about what two individuals owed him in Manila (‘Razon de lo que me deben en Manila’) mentions that a Sangley (‘el sanglei’) owes him 44.5 pesos of opium and a dozen hats (sombreros) for 36 pesos (fol. 390r). This is a clear indication that de los Reyes was engaged with the local Sangley community in Manila. Chenqua, the ‘pharmacist’, was obviously a Sangley merchant from Canton and either owned a pharmacy or was a kind of dealer in medicinal drugs.

Also other individuals mentioned in the papers of de los Reyes were involved in business with this Chenqua. The latter, we are informed, owes a certain Don Antonio Botiñon 910 pesos, 214 of which belonged to José de los Reyes. Don Antonio Botiñon was probably a ship captain and the same person as the Antonio Botinon who served as a captain of Nuestra Señora de la Luz which sailed from Canton to Manila in 1777. ^[14]See the MIAT 1.0 dataset of Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel that was imported into our FileMaker database. 

A letter by Francisco de Azevedo to Joseph de los Reyes, Canton, dated 9 April 1781, speaks about a certain Chencuan, probably the same person, stating:

I confirm with you as in my last (letter) that I have got the surplus goods of the fugitive Chencuan which you resigned to, the same leave today for this, and that I will take with me the goods he took from Don Martin de Yrisarri and Don Antonio Botiño, and I take advantage of this occasion to forward to you this message.

And when I come down I will send them to you on my first occasion.

Confirmo a vm mi ultima en que participava a vm de haver consiguido de don Martin de Yrisarri y don Antonio Botino de Stirce ^[15]This last name is not clearly readable due to the deterioration of the paper. de los generos sobrantes del fugitivo Chencuan, los mesmos parten hoy para essa, y aprovecho de esta occasion para remitirele la nota de los dichos que le sirvirá a vm de gobierno y cuando yo baxe les llevaré, y remitiré en la primera occasion.

He is described as a cunning swindler (fol. 396), who obviously went into hiding (el fugitivo Chencuan; fol. 392). De los Reyes and Antonio Botiñon, who had advanced him money to purchase commodities, set their only hopes on those in Manila who owed him money, as, according to hearsay, he possessed more than 4,000 pesos there. They had searched for him in Canton but could not find him (fol. 396). This, of course, tells another story about treacherous business activities, trust, and risk.

Among the papers, we also find a letter to his brother, Juan (fols. 374r-375v), listing also commodities he purchased for his brother. Other individuals commissioned José de los Reyes to purchase gifts and commodities for them, for example, a certain Juan Antonio Flores, who asked, among other things, for an embroidered woman’s skirt (‘mi amigo Reyes aquien lo tengo encargado aquellos generitos q.e a Vm pedí (y ademas una saya de muger bordada) cuyo total importe creore q.e a VM al instante le entregue’; fols. 373-374).

As mentioned above, after the adventurous voyage we have described here, the Hércules undertook yet a second voyage to the Far East, between 1783 and 1785. From Callao, in 1783, the crew sailed via Paita (Chile) to Macao, before returning to America, reaching San Blas in 1785, where the crew also got involved with José Camacho, as the commander of the local naval arsenal. ^[16]Francisco Trillo y Bermudez sent a letter to request the sale of all the merchandise from Hércules in San Blas, which the ship reached on 17 November 1784. Through the sale of commodities, he wanted … Continue reading

Hércules finally returned to Callao. But by that time, José de los Reyes had already passed away.

Due to the war in Europe, even a private merchant ship like the Hércules made its voyage across the Pacific, although this transpacific trade had remained a strict monopoly of the Spanish Crown and, after 1785, was granted to the Royal Company of the Philippines. Regardless of the fact that the two private companies, the Madrid-based ‘Company of the Five Major Guilds’, and Ustáriz y San Ginés, based in Cádiz, ^[1]See reference 79 above.

were authorised to conduct direct trade with Asia from Spain, it is certainly noteworthy that a merchant ship like the Hércules could break the transpacific monopoly of the Spanish Crown by crossing the Pacific.

Reading through the papers of Camacho and de los Reyes, we receive intriguing insights into the composition of their Chinese and Asian goods and the appreciation of specific objects beyond silver and silks, as well as into the Spanish transpacific monopoly trade and its bureaucracy, including contemporary practices of issuing credit and financing.

Neither individual was a professional merchant, and each mainly practised another profession. Camacho was a naval officer, de los Reyes a ship’s surgeon. Nevertheless, both were actively involved in the acquisition of Chinese goods. The documents they left behind prove that they both possessed typical Chinese goods like fans and different kinds of porcelain. Camacho, for example, possessed a jar for vinegar and a saucer, in addition to all kinds of jars, cups and plates, and also a tea service. What is notable is that neither Camacho nor de los Reyes apparently purchased lots of silks. The papers of de los Reyes introduce all kinds of silk prices for processed and unprocessed silks in Canton, but among all his belongings relatively few silk items are mentioned. We read of ‘países de seda bonitas’, beautiful landscape paintings or screens on silk, and silk stockings (medias de seda) and, in Camacho’s case, of a silken lapels or revers (solapas de seda). He possessed Chinese kimonos, but it is unclear if they were made of silk or not.

In Camacho’s case, it is paper and ink that attract the reader’s attention, which earlier manuscripts rarely speak about. Spaniards in the New World normally had their own ink, carbon-based and other unknown mixtures circulating with popular iron-gall inks, a combination of tannins, vitriol and gum. ^[2]Hidalgo 2014, 277-299, here 288-289, with reference to Doctrina cristiana del ermitaño y el niño (1546) by Andrés Flórez: “Good ink is made from white wine and the common type from water; it is … Continue reading The Camacho papers, in combination with the documentation preserved in the Archivo General de Indias, demonstrate that ink was also purchased by New Spanish officials and shipped across the Pacific, being highly valued for its quality. Paper, too, was imported from China in some cases, wrapped in mats or sisal fibre to protect it from humidity during shipment.

We also read that some of Camacho’s belongings were sold in an auction that lasted for three days. His nautical instruments especially were prepared for the sale. ^[3]These were an ‘octante’, an astronomical instrument of the type of the quintant and sextant, used on ships, whose sector covers only 45 degrees or the eighth part of the circle; a … Continue reading 

His documents finally tell an interesting story about the fate of his property and belongings, given it was discovered, that contrary to his own will and confirmations, he had obviously been married in Manila and had a legal son. As a consequence, his will was ignored and his executors had to present new papers. 

José de los Reyes on the other hand had a wife in Cádiz and a daughter, who both passed away at early age. When he was widowed, he decided to become a naval physician, and eventually, in March 1779, embarked on the Hércules. The death of his wife seems to have prompted him to make this decision. Generally speaking, from an analysis of his documents, we learn little to nothing about his practice as a physician on board, but much more about the goods he purchased, especially various kinds of fabrics to be used for clothing.

Moreover, his papers provide some detailed information on the structure of financing and issuing credit in the early-modern Spanish Empire.

De los Reyes’ relations with the pharmacist and the merchant Chenqua, finally, is a concrete example of a Spanish ship’s surgeon engaging a Chinese merchant who was, according to the documentation, also a local Sangley pharmacist in Manila. Through Chenqua, de los Reyes probably sought to purchase some medicinal drugs from China. At the same time, we lack the Chinese characters for his name, meaning that it is near to impossible to trace his identity back in Chinese sources. The name Chenqua and spelling variants also occur frequently. The Spanish source characterises him as a ‘botiquero’ or pharmacist, as we have seen above. But he may simply have been a Canton merchant, a Macao or Amoy merchant trading with Canton, or possibly a Sangley trading with mainland China. Until other documents providing us with more information on this individual’s activities surface, his identity will remain obscure.

To conclude: investigating the composition of the respective commodities of Camacho and de los Reyes, we can observe various changes in the structure of the transpacific trade by the 1780s. Generally speaking, the evidence we have collected suggests that the importance of processed silks, for example, decreased in comparison to the sixteenth century. Also we do not find any mention of spices. While navy ships involved in the direct trade between Cádiz and Manila used to carry aromatics, medicines, and spices on board, as we have seen above, nothing of this kind is mentioned in the Camacho documents. Cinnamon is the only spice whose price is listed in the ‘Canton price list’ which de los Reyes carried among his papers. However, this lack of spices in their documents does not necessarily suggest more successful transplantations, as the transplantation of sandalwood, china root, pepper, cinnamon, and cloves in New Spain, for example, remained unsuccessful in the long term. ^[4]For an analysis of transplantations of Asian spices in the Spanish Empire, see Bassewitch-Frenkel, 2017, 95-96. It is more likely to be related to the founding of the Real Compañía de Filipinas, which explicitly promoted the local cultivation of certain crops and spices and managed their exportation. Other products, like ink, cotton, cinchona (quina), essential oils, chiles, tea, and even glass and crystals appear more frequently or even for the first time in the course of the eighteenth century. The manuscripts analysed here, finally, demonstrate a level of familiarity with aspects of Chinese material culture that we rarely encounter prior to the eighteenth century.

Primary Sources

AGNM (Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City)

“Autos de inventarios hechos a los bienes que en este pueblo quedaron por fallecimiento de don José Camacho, teniente de navío graduado y piloto primero de la real armada, con destino en el departamento de San Blas”, AGNM, Gobierno virreinal, Filipinas, Contenedor 7, volumen 18, exp. 4.

“Autorización del virrey Bucareli para que oficiales de mar vivan en Tepic”, AGNM, Marina, vol. 34, fol. 42v.

“Factura del contenido en una frasquera de medicina, agregada a la caxa de la dotacion, con la marca del margen, qe de su cuenta embarca D.n Josef de Reyes en el Navío particular nombrado el Hercules, su Capitan, y Maestre D.n Domingo Grozarri, próximo a seguir viaje a Manila”, AGNM, Instituciones Coloniales, Real Audiencia, Intestados 63, vol. 61, exp. 4, fol. 364r.

“Inventario de los Papeles que se hallan en un baul pertenecientes al intestado Don José de los Reyes cirujano que fue del navío nombrado ‘Hercules’ que arribó a este puerto Acapulco”, AGNM, Instituciones Coloniales, Real Audiencia, Intestados 63, vol. 61, exp. 4.

“Testimonio de las Diligencias Practicadas por el Comisario de San Blas, sobre la Venta de Efectos de Navío Hércules y Precios a que se Verificaron” (1785), AGNM, Instituciones Coloniales, Gobierno Virreinal, Marina 68, vol. 67, exp. 10, fols. 263-295.

AGI (Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla)

“Autos de Bienes de Difuntos: José de los Reyes” (1785), AGI, Contratacion, 5689, N. 2.

“Autos sobre barcos portugueses San Pablo y Nuestra Señora de la Piedad” (1696-05-25), AGI, Filipinas, 70, N. 1.

“Bienes de difuntos: José de los Reyes” (1785), AGI, Contratación, 5689, N. 2.

“Carta de Torrecampo sobre llegada de papel sellado” (1722-06-22), AGI, Filipinas, 133, N. 34, Manila (Luzón, Filipinas). 

“Carta de Fausto Cruzat y Góngora, gobernador de Filipinas, sobre haber recibido 170 resmas de papel blanco y cuatro cajas de sellos” (1691-06-01), AGI, Filipinas 14, R.3, N. 28, Manila (Luzón, Filipinas).

“Carta nº 44 de Félix Berenguer de Marquina, virrey de Nueva España, a Mariano Luis de Urquijo, secretario de Estado, dando cuenta de haber despachado la correspondencia particular en la goleta mercante ‘Carlota’, no haciéndolo de la de oficio por temor de los enemigos que existen en aquellos mares; avisa haber llegado a Acapulco la nao ‘Magallanes’, del comercio de Filipinas” (1800-12-13, México), AGI, Estado 28, N. 111. 

“Carta nº 56 de Miguel José de Azanza, virrey de Nueva España, a Francisco de Saavedra, secretario de Estado, avisando la llegada a Acapulco de la fragata ‘Pilar’, de la pérdida de la nao de Filipinas ‘San Andrés’ y mal estado del navío ‘Rey Carlos’ y de las disposiciones que ha tomado para el regreso de dicha fragata con el situado y caudales de socorro para Filipinas” (1799-01-07, México), AGI, Estado, 28, N. 3. 

Acompaña:  Copia de oficio de Miguel de Zapiain y Valladares, comandante de la fragata ‘Nuestra Señora del Pilar’, al virrey, expresando las vicisitudes de su navegación e incluyendo copia del parte que le dirigió desde el puerto de San Jacinto Ventura de Barcáiztegui, comandante de la fragata ‘Cabeza’, que convoyaba el navío ‘Rey Carlos’, de la Compañía de Filipinas.  Acapulco, 27 de diciembre de 1798. (México, 7 de enero de 1799).

“Cartas de José Basco y Vargas sobre envío de tinta china” (1782-07-11), AGI, Filipinas, 391, N. 34, Manila (Luzón, Filipinas).

“Cartas de José Basco y Vargas sobre envío de tinta china” (1786-06-16), AGI, Filipinas, 391, N. 51, Manila (Luzón, Filipinas).

“Carta nº 317 de [Miguel de la Grúa-Talamanca], marqués de Branciforte, virrey de Nueva España, a [Manuel Godoy], príncipe de la Paz, secretario de Estado, informando sobre lo sucedido con José Cristóbal de Porto, de nación turco, comerciante, que viajó desde Constantinopla a Rusia y de allí a Macao donde se embarcó en el navío español ‘Hércules’ llegando a San Blas, habiendo estado quince años en Nueva España y Guatemala, al que remite a España bajo partida de registro” (1796-08-27), AGI, Estado, 25, N. 24.

“Directores Compañía Filipinas sobre fragata ‘San Rafael’” (1802-02-08, Madrid), AGI, Estado, 47, N.35.

“Expediente sobre el ascenso de José Camacho, alférez graduado de navío y piloto del Departamento de San Blas, a teniente de fragata”, AGI, Guadalajara, 520, N. 59.

“Expediente sobre los descuentos hechos a José Camacho, Antonio Vilches, Antonio Medina, Antonio Roberto y Diego Moreno, oficiales del Departamento de San Blas para asistencia a sus familias en España”, AGI, Guadalajara, 520, N. 36, fols. 465r-v.

“Expediente sobre la solicitud de ascenso de Francisco Antonio Mourelle, alférez de navío de la Real Armada y piloto del Departamento de San Blas, y concesión de hábito de la Orden de Santiago, por sus méritos en las navegaciones hechas en California septentrional y en las islas Filipinas” (1785-02-15–1786-08-18), AGI, Guadalajara, 520, N. 38, fols. 481r-v.

“Llegada a Filipinas del bergantín ‘El Activo’” (1797-04-20, Manila), AGI, Estado, 46, N. 45.

Nuevo de Rotero para los Galeones de la Carrera que ha presentado Enrique Herman, Piloto mayor de ella, Governando Estas Islas el M.[uy] Ill.[ustr]e S.[eño]r D.[on] Fern.[an]do Valdés Tamón, Cav.[aller]o del Orden de S.n Tiago, brigadier de los R[eal]es Exércitos de su M[a]g[estad] (Q[ue] D[ios] G[uarde])”, 1730, short title “Derrotero de Filipinas a Nueva España”, AGI, MP-Filipinas, 23.

“Sobre el cultivo de la canela, nuez moscada, pimienta”, AGI, Filipinas 723, N. 1 (1782), N. 2 (1787–88).

“Testimonio Authentico del Expediente formado a Representazion del almirante Henrique Hermã sobre el Nuevo Derrotero de la Salida del Galeon de estas Yslas para la Nueva Spaña facilitando el mas breve tiempo del viage sin los peligros del Embocadero”, AGI, Filipinas, 156, N. 7 (1754-07-12, Manila, Luzón, Filipinas). Vino con carta del [marqués de Ovando] Gov.or de Philipinas del 12 de Julio de 1754 (which is missing).

Other Primary Sources

Bais, Benito (1731–1797), Matematica de Bais [Principios de matemática: donde se enseña la especulativa, con su aplicación a la dinámica, hydrodinámica, óptica, astronomía, geografía, gnomónica, arquitectura, perspectiva, y al calendario] (Madrid: Oficina de Joachin Ibarra, 1776).

Cabrera Bueno, Joseph González, Navegación especulativa y práctica, con la explicación de algunos instrumentos que están más en uso en los Navegantes, con las Reglas necesarias para su verdadero uso; Tabla de las declinaciones del Sol, computadas al Meridiano de San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por la Geometría, por las Tablas de Rumbos; por la Arithmetica; por la Trigonometría; por el Quadrante de Reducción; por los Senos Logaríthmos, y comunes; con las Estampas, y figuras pertenecientes á lo dicho, y otros Tratados curiosos (Manila: Convento de Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles, 1734).

Cedillo y Rujaque, Pedro Manuel (1676–1761), Tratado de la cosmografía y náutica (Cádiz: Imprenta Real de Marina y Casa de Contratación de Don Miguel Gómez Guiraun, 1745[?]). Online https://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/1677485. 

de Barrême, François Bertrand and Nicolas, Aritmetica de Barren [L’Arithmetique de Barrenae ou le livre facile pour apprendre l’arithmetique & c. (Paris: Ve. Bessin, 1710).

de Barreda, Francisco (fl. 1766). El marinero instruido [en el arte de navegar especulativo y práctico que para la enseñanza de los colegiales del Real Seminario de San Telmo] (Sevilla: Segunda impresión, Vásquez, Hidalgo y Compañía, 1786).

de la Fond, Sigaud. Física Experimental, París, 1775.

de Moya, Pérez (1513? –1597), Aritmética práctica y especulativa (Barcelona: Imprenta de Rafael Figuerò, 1703).

Díaz Infante, José, [Compendio de] Artillería [para el servicio] de Marina (Cádiz: en la Oficina de Don Pedro Gomez de Requena, 1754). Online https://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000100851; or Imprenta de Francisco Sanchez Reciente, 1762. Online https://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000076682;jsessionid=E1671718F01F57B251515CF844B5B42A. 

Fernández Rodríguez, Antonio Gabriel (b. 1702). Trigonometría esférica [que dispuso Don Antonio Gabriel Fernandez maestro de matemáticas que fue de la Real Academia de Guardias] (Murcia: Viuda de Teruel, 1783–1795[?]).

Fernández, Antonio Gabriel, and Thomas de Santander, Práctica de maniobras de los navíos: en que se enseña el modo de darles todos los movimientos, de que son capaces, mediante el timón y las velas impelidas del viento (Valladolid: en la Imprenta de Thomás de Santander, 1777). Digital edition, https://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000076238.

Geografia Universal, 2 vols., in the possession of José Camacho, not identified.

Hawkesworth, John (1715?–1773), comp., John Byron (1723–1786), Samuel Wallis (1728–1795), James Cook (1728–1779), Joseph Banks (1743–1820), Philip Carteret (–1796), An Account of the Voyages Undertaken by the Order of his Present Majesty for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, and successively performed by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret, and Captain Cook, in the Dolphin, the Swallow, and the Endeavour: drawn up from the journals which were kept by the several commanders, and from the papers of Joseph Banks (London, Printed for W. Strahan & T. Cadell, 1773), digital copy available at the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/05034857/.

King, James (1750–1784) and James Cook (1728–1779), A voyage to the Pacific Ocean: undertaken by the command of His Majesty for making discoveries in the northern hemisphere : performed under the direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore in His Majesty’s ships the Resolution and Discovery, in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779 and 1780 (London: H. Hughs; London: T. Cadell, 1785), digital copy available at the University of British Columbia, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcbooks/items/1.0342315; 

Ledyard, John (1751–1789), A journal of Captain Cook’s last voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and in quest of a North-west passage between Asia & America, performed in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1779: illustrated with a chart shewing the tracts of the ships employed in this expedition (Hartford: Nathaniel Patten, a few rods north of the court-house, 1783), digital copy from the University of British Columbia, https://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0223810, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcbooks/items/1.0223810, or the Library of Congress,  https://www.loc.gov/item/05039321/. 

Medicina para la ociosidad, manuscript in the possession of José Camacho, not identified.

Ordenanzas [Generales] de la Armada [Naval], Tomos I and II (Madrid: en la imprenta de la viuda de Don Joachin Ibarra, 1793). Online https://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/ordenanzas-generales-de-la-armada-naval–parte-primera–sobre-la-gobernacion-militar-y-marinera-de-la-armada-en-general-y-uso-de-sus-fuerzas-en-la-mar–tomo-i/.

Ordenanzas [de S.M. para el servicio del Cuerpo] de ingenieros [en guarnición y campaña] (México: Felipe de Zúñiga y Ontiveros, 1790).

Ordenanzas de S.M. para el régimen, disciplina, subordinación y servicio del ejército, por Rey Carlos III [1759–1788] (Madrid: Oficina de Antonio Marín, impresor, 1768). Online https://bibliotecavirtual.defensa.gob.es/BVMDefensa/es/consulta/registro.do?id=1655. 

Ribadeneyra y Barrientos, Antonio Joaquín (1710–1772), Manuel Compendio del Regio Patronato [Indiano, para su más fácil uso en las materias conducentes á la practica] (Madrid: Oficina de Antonio Marín, 1755). Online https://archive.org/details/manualcompendiod00riba.

Ribero, Mattheus, Alivio de tristes [y consuelo de quexosos: expresado en varias historias, confirmado con exemplares, adornado con autoridades de Santos padres y sentencias de philosophos antiguos], primera y segunda parte / escritas en portugues por el Padre Matheo Ribeyro, theologo, predicador del arzobispado de Lisboa ; traducidas al idioma castellano, por el doctor en Sagrada Theologia Juan Antonio Mora (Barcelona: Lucas de Bezáres, 1755). Online https://www.iberoamericadigital.net/BDPI/CompleteSearch.do;jsessionid=5C5CE7E183F82EDCA89040CAF1E79409?institution=Biblioteca+Nacional+de+Espa%c3%b1a&matter=Moral+cristiana+Obras+anteriores+a+1800&pageSizeAbrv=20&pageSize=1&pageNumber=1. 

Tofiño de San Miguel, Vicente. (1732–1795), [Compendio de la] geometría elemental [y trigonometría rectilínea: para el uso de los cavalleros guardias-marinas en su academia]. Isla de León: Imprenta de la Real Academia, 1794).

Trincado Mena, Manuel. Compendio [histórico, geográfico, y genealógico] de los soberanos de Europa: [descripción de sus cortes, religión y fuerzas, con la serie de sus príncipes, hasta el año de 1766]. (Madrid, 5ª impr.: Antonio Mayoral, 1769).

Zaragoza, José (1627-1679), Father. Aritmética [universal: que comprehende el arte menor y mayor, algebra vulgar y especioser (Valencia: Geronimo Vilagrasa, 1669).

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Bassewitch Frenkel, Omri, Transplantation of Asian Spices in the Spanish Empire 1518-1640: Entrepreneurship, Empiricism, and the Crown, PhD dissertation, McGill University, 2017, http://digitool.library.mcgill.ca/webclient/StreamGate?folder_id=0&dvs=1552624331262~853.

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Kaps, Klemens, “Small but powerful: networking strategies and the trade business of Habsburg-Italian merchants in Cadiz in the second half of the eighteenth century”, European Review of History – Revue Européenne d’Histoire 23:3 (2016), 427-455, doi http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1131246.

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Martins Torres, Andreia, “Quimonos chinos y quimonos criollos. La moda novohispana en el cruce entre Oriente y Occidente”, in Salvador Bernabéu Albert (coord.), La Nao de China 1565–1815. Navegación, comercio e intercambios culturales (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 2013), 247-279.

Mellado, Francisco de Paula (ca. 1810–1876), Enciclopedia moderna. Diccionario universal de literatura, ciencias, artes, agricultura, industria y comercio (Madrid: Establecimiento Tipográfico de Mellado, 1852).

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Schottenhammer, Angela, “Geographical Knowledge and Maps of Don José Camacho y Brenes (fl. 1770s to 1780s; d. 1795), First Pilot of the Royal Spanish Navy Stationed at San Blas”, in Huang Fei, Dorothee Schaab-Hanke and Martin Hanke, Settled in the Present, Committed to the Past: Festschrift for Achim Mittag  [Deutsche Ostasienstudien 54] (Gossenberg: Ostasienverlag, 2025), in print.

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Spate, Oskar Hermann Khristian, The Spanish Lake. The Pacific since Magellan, vol. I. (Canberra: Australian National University, 1979, and Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983).

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Valdez–Bubnov, Ivan, “El navío de 70 cañones de González Cabrera Bueno (1734): ¿Un modelo tecnológico propio de la carrera de Filipinas?”, in Jaime Olveda (coord.). Relaciones Intercoloniales. Nueva España y Filipinas (Zapopan, Jalisco: El Colegio de Jalisco, 2017), 63-88.

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Maps

Atlas de Navegación de Callao a Lima / Sacada a la luz en el año de 1780. Por el Alférez de Fragata de la Real Armada y Primer Piloto Don Josef Camacho y Brenes en dicho Departamento de San Blas, para uso de Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra…(Tepic, 1780). Biblioteca Virtual de Defensa, manuscript signatura AHIHM-A-9 [8], https://bibliotecavirtual.defensa.gob.es/BVMDefensa/es/consulta/resultados_ocr.do.

Parte del Archipelago de Filipinas, Con la Navegación que haze la nao de ida y vuelta al puerto de Acapulco, assi por el Embocadero de San Bernadino, como por la parte del norte de la Ysla de Luzon. Construida por el primer piloto del numero de la R.l Armada D.n Josef Camacho y Brenes. En el Pueblo de Tepic y Julio de 1780.

Websites

Esteponia en su Historia, Biography of José de los Reyes y Sánchez, http://www.esteponaensuhistoria.com/seccion_textos/Jose_reyes_txt.htm (accessed 4 March 2023).