Map of the Pacific by Ortelius 1589 Podcast 1: Medical Practice on Board Podcast 2: Inventory, and Books Agustín Sánchez a Late Sixteenth-Century Spanish Ship Surgeon
Crossing the Pacific Ocean

Introduction

 

In times past, sea voyages had to deal with environmental influences, including weather conditions, disease, malnutrition, as well as the viruses, germs, bacteria, and animals that transmitted diseases on board ship. It was therefore important to have at least one surgeon or physician on board, especially in the case of very long sea voyages such as a trans-Pacific crossing. The ship’s surgeon or physician had to take charge of all the health and hygiene issues among the passengers and crew and even treat the wounded in the case of a bellicose or pirate encounter at sea. Significant advances in maritime medicine went along with the process of European expansion. For Spain this meant establishing certain regulations to guarantee basic medical care on board. Naval conflicts with competing European nations especially required improvements in medicinal treatments to be successful. [1]*This research was supported by, and contributes to the ERC AdG project TRANSPACIFIC that has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 … Continue reading The century of Charles V and  Philip II (1500–1598) was noted for the setting of standards and regulations to improve sanitary conditions aboard ships. [2]In November 1554, the first rules for hygiene on board ship were promulgated in Spain. They comprised simple responsibilities, such as sweeping and cleaning on and below the deck, or aromatising with … Continue reading In a previous collaboration, we have introduced various general aspects of maritime medicine and doctors on board, focussing especially on the Asian waters, [3]Angela Schottenhammer, Mathieu Torck, and Wim De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters (15th to 18th Centuries)”, Haiyangshi yanjiu 海洋史研究 18 (2022), 245–302. whereas in the present article, we would like to present a special case from the late sixteenth-century, the fate of Agustín Sánchez, a Spanish “barber-surgeon” on a voyage of the trans-Pacific galleon San Martín. We learn of his array of possessions from a post-mortem inventory preserved in the Archivo General de Indias in Sevilla, all of which were auctioned in Acapulco in 1587, after his untimely death at sea. Only a handful of such documents pertaining to surgeons deceased aboard Spanish ships in the sixteenth and seventeenth have been discovered, and this is one of the rare examples we possess from a trans-Pacific crossing.

 

Personifications of medicine, pharmacy and surgery, 17th c. (French)

 

As a barber-surgeon (cirujano barbero), Sánchez was in a class separate from physicians formally trained in Latin at the university (latinistas): the comprehensive médicos cirujanos or the médicos who focused on internal medicine. But he also lacked the qualifications of the more narrowly defined surgeons who were educated in Spanish (cirujanos romancistas). Physicians preferred to stay on land, likely losing practical experience to cope with the required challenges on board ship, making surgeons likely more acquainted with the challenges compared to physicians. Military enterprises would have a qualified surgeon (cirujano mayor), whereas commercial voyages may have had a medical officer with practical  experience or a guild-trained barber-surgeon. [4]Rodríguez-Sala, Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, 37.

By the mid-sixteenth century, the growing distinction between surgeons became increasingly apparent: on the one hand, there were those descended from barber-surgeons, who continued to cut hair and treat external afflictions, and on the other, those with formal medical training as physicians. Barber-surgeons took care of treating wounds, topical and venereal diseases, setting fractured or dislocated bones, and occasionally performing amputations, but were not versed in internal medicine like their university-trained counterparts. In addition, these “lowly” barber-surgeons performed bloodletting and tooth extractions. [5]Johanna Geyer-Kordesch and Fiona MacDonald, Physicians and Surgeons in Glasgow, 1599–1858: The History of the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow (London: The Hambledon Press, … Continue reading

 

“Foot operation” by a barber surgeon, c. 1636 (Flemish) –

 

In Spain, the role of a ship’s surgeon evolved out of the roles of barbers or apothecaries. They treated external ailments, such as broken bones, wounds and injuries, as well as skin diseases, including boils and rashes. They also typically pulled teeth, let blood, and treated kidney stones, hernias, and venereal diseases. [6]Sherry Fields, Pestilence and Headcolds: Encountering Illness in Colonial Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 109. The surgeon was usually equipped with a variety of medicines, cloth to make bandages and dressings, a saw to carry out amputations, and a number of other tools, such as scissors, clamps, various types of knives, cauterising implements, needles, hammers and picks. Frequently he had to prepare medicines and ointments on board, and consequently also needed spoons, funnels, spatulas, a mortar and pestle, scales, and a small brazier. [7]Shirley Fish, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565–1815 (Central Milton Keynes: AuthorHouse, 2011), 317. The inventory of Agustín Sánchez’s belongings is telling not only because it includes such expected professional implements, but also because of the collection of medical texts that he carried as reference.

This article will first lay out the known timeline of Agustín Sánchez’s life and voyages, before giving an overview of his personal and professional belongings, as well as how these shine light on how scurvy and other diseases were treated on board. This is followed by an itemised and annotated description of his auctioned possessions. An appendix reproduces the paleographed source document in full.

Ship Surgeon Agustín Sánchez and his Journey

The Archivo General de Indias (AGI) in Sevilla possesses an interesting manuscript that can provide us with further insight into the life of a doctor on board one of the contemporary Manila galleons. The manuscript is described as the “proceedings on the goods of Agustín Sánchez, ship surgeon, who died without a known will (abintestato) on board the galleon San Martín, that was navigating along the coast of New Spain under the command of Captain Pedro de Ortega” (1592). [8]Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla (AGI), Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14, Bienes de difuntos: Agustín Sánchez (1592), http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/94800?nm: “Autos … Continue reading While such probate proceedings (autos de bienes difuntos) are a staple source of Spanish colonial history, only six such documents have so far been identified for ship surgeons from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, among which Sánchez was the only one employed on a trans-Pacific galleon. [9]Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, siglos XVI–XVIII ¿estamento o comunidad?”, Cirugía y Cirujanos 70:2 (2002), 474. And while the names of each year’s galleon surgeon were systematically recorded by the Manila Royal Treasury, [10]Along with government officials, all officers on the Manila galleon, including the surgeon, were required to pay a 10% fee (media anata) on their annual salary. This was recorded in the annual … Continue reading without further details on their lives and identity, these individuals remain basically anonymous. This makes this document an especially valuable source.

Though he is designated throughout the document as both a cirujano and barbero, Sanchez’ biography suggests he may have possessed more far-reaching competencies than a low-ranking barber-surgeon. This hypothesis may be supported by the fact that, when he first reached Manila years earlier, he started to work at a local hospital before boarding the return galleon to New Spain. Based on his competencies, we would suggest that he be classified somewhere in the range between the official physicians who received a full medical university education and lower ranking barbers who fulfilled all kinds of practical medical tasks. But due to the lack of information on his education, unfortunately, his exact qualifications remain unclear.

Otherwise not much is known about the person of Agustín Sánchez. But the manuscript in the AGI contains a very long list of the goods which he carried, including books and tools he needed for his profession as ship surgeon. [11]Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 474. Agustín Sánchez’ death brought about the inspection and inventory of the goods he had left and those carried on board. This inventory list, including a case with medical tools and instruments, as well as medical texts, was eventually presented at the port of Acapulco, where his belongings were auctioned by a probate judge in February of 1587. This list provides fascinating insights into his professional and personal life, as well as the materiality of his social standing.

According to the manuscript, Agustín Sánchez originally came from New Spain and first boarded the galleon in Acapulco in 1585, presumably around February, [12]As a rule, the galleons left Acapulco for the Philippines between early November and late March. in order to cure the sick (para curar los enfermados en dicha nao, f. 15r). He eventually passed away on board a galleon departing from Manila in 1586 (f. 1r, 3v, 14r), while it was sailing in the waters of the Philippine archipelago (las Islas del Poniente, f. 14r), under the command of captain Pedro de Ortega, on its return voyage (tornaviaje) back to Acapulco (f. 1r, 15r). [13]AGI, Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14, 1592. On 24 November 1586, when Sanchez’ death was formally reported according to the document, the galleon was sailing along the coast of New Spain, heading towards Acapulco (f. 1r).

In reconstructing the identity of Captain Pedro de Ortega, it is possible he was the same person as Pedro de Ortega Valencia (n. Guadalcanal, 1520?–1598?), the pilot who accompanied Álvaro de Mendaña de Neira (1542–1595) on the first Spanish expedition to the Salomon Islands in 1568. But taking into consideration his advanced age at the time of Sánchez’ travel (he would have been in his seventies by then), it seems much more likely that he was his identically named son or grandson. Of Ortega’s two children, the eldest, Jerónimo, accompanied him on the Salomon Islands expedition. His second son, Pedro, bore a child with María de Arellano, who he also named Pedro. [14]See Carlos Romero Romero, “La gran aventura de un marino tarifeño”, Aljaranda 43 (2001), 5; Javier Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, Los encomenderos de Quito, 1534–1660: origen y evolución de una … Continue reading

From another document, described as a “list of commodities carried from the Philippines by the galleon San Martín, which arrived in December 1586, of the persons who loaded them in these islands and those to whom they were consigned”, [15]AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 29, Relación de mercaderías de Filipinas: galeón San Martín (1586), http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/121861?nm:“Relación de las mercaderías que … Continue reading we know that the San Martín left Manila for Acapulco sometime in the summer of 1586 and reached Acapulco by December of that year. This timeline matches the information provided in our manuscript, which states that in November 1586, the San Martín was sailing along the American coast, close to Acapulco.

However, whether “our” San Martín is in fact the homonymous galleon that left Manila for Acapulco in June 1583 under Captain Francisco de Mercado, returning to Acapulco and then sailing from Acapulco to Macao (instead of Manila) in 1587, is unclear. After a mutiny on board this San Martín, Alonso Sánchez and the royal factor, Juan Bautista Román, were sent to Macao by Diego Ronquillo (in office 10 March 1583 – 16 May 1584). [16]The Chinese coast guard had first seized the ship and its cargo, but the crew was able to get away and escape to Portuguese Macao. The crew mutinied and got rid of Mercado whereupon governor Diego … Continue reading Román is said to have overcome the mutineers, then hired a new crew and sailed for Acapulco in May 1584. Theoretically, it is possible that the galleon left Macao in early summer 1584, reached Acapulco some time in fall 1584, then sailed back to the Philippines, perhaps still that same year or in 1585, thus making its way back again to Acapulco in 1586.

Agustín Sánchez is described as a ship surgeon coming from New Spain to cure the sick on the San Martín in 1585, having done his service on this galleon and then in a Manila hospital, from 19 June 1585 until the date when the provision of the galleon was received. From the manuscript we can reconstruct the following chronology of Sanchez’ life and death, the auctioning of his belongings, and the corresponding judicial documents and certifications.

  • On 8 March 1584 (this is the earliest date mentioned in the manuscript), the local surgeon in Acapulco, Melchor Pérez Morillo, pledged himself [17]He is talking in the first person singular (i.e. yo). to pay 41 pesos to Agustín Sánchez, having borrowed from him this amount in a time of need. Pérez Morillo renounced any future exceptions from repayment (excepsion de la pecuania, formally exceptio non numeratae pecuniae in Latin) and promised to pay back the borrowed amount exclusively in silver pesos, either in Acapulco or at any other place in New Spain, a pledge formalized before the notary Amador Pérez and the witnesses Ascención de Méndez, Blas de Santa María, and Cristobal Ramírez (f. 10r).

Interactive Paleography Example

Slide
Agustin Ss.e barvero
Coteg[a]do
xi

En el galeon de su mag[esta]d

nombrado Sant Martin q[ue]

va navegando por la costa de la

Interactive Timeline

8 March 1584
The local surgeon in Acapulco, Melchor Pérez Morillo, pledged himself to pay 41 pesos to Agustín Sánchez, having borrowed from him this amount in a time of need. Pérez Morillo renounced any future exceptions from repayment (excepsion de la pecuania, formally exceptio non numeratae pecuniae in Latin) and promised to pay back the borrowed amount exclusively in silver pesos, either in Acapulco or at any other place in New Spain, a pledge formalized before the notary Amador Pérez and the witnesses Ascención de Méndez, Blas de Santa María, and Cristobal Ramírez.
18 February 1585

1

Luis Díaz Marento confirms that he owes Agustín Sánchez a sum of 12 pesos, which he had pledged to return to Sánchez whenever he requested it: “I promise to return this amount, with my assets as collateral (me obligo mi persona e bienes), asking that Manuel Fernández and Alonso Gómez sign this agreement as witnesses” (f. 8v).
1585, probably between February and early April

2

Agustín Sánchez boarded the galleon San Martín in Acapulco as ship surgeon. The galleon sailed to Manila where it arrived as expected around 19 June 1585.
14 April 1585

3

Agustín Sánchez confirmed that he received 6 pesos from Luis Díaz Marento as partial payment, and stated he would only ask for the remaining 6 pesos once they reached the port of Acapulco (i.e. they were traveling together). Witnesses were Miguel Lorca, Don Alonso Lucano, and Francisco Núñez. They obviously concluded this agreement on board the San Martín, that means the galleon had already left the port of Acapulco in the direction of Manila (f. 9v).
Subsequently

4

Sánchez started working in a local hospital, likely the Royal Hospital (Hospital Real de Españoles, 1577–1898), which treated Spanish men, or perhaps in the Hospital of La Misericordia (1578–1656), which treated slaves, Spanish women, as well as natives and foreigners who could not afford other medicinal services.
Summer 1586

5

The San Martín set sail from Manila on its return journey to Acapulco. Sánchez passed away on this journey—no exact date is provided in the manuscript.
24 November 1586

6

The San Martín navigated close to the coasts of America, approaching Acapulco as expected. Pedro de Ortega, captain of the galleon, reports that Sánchez had passed away on the return voyage. An inventory of his possessions was drawn before the ships’s notary, Diego Zárate, while the ship’s constable (alguacil), Juan García Vázquez, was designated as their custodian (f. 8v).
6 February and 14 February 1587

7

Given that Sánchez died without a known will, his belongings were openly sold to the highest bidder in two auctions, on 6 February (ff. 4r–6v) and on 14 February 1587 (f. 7r), for a total of 124.75 pesos. A local probate judge (juez de bienes de difuntos), Diego de Molina y Padilla, was responsible for the administrative organization of these proceedings (almoneda pública).
20 December 1588

8

The general probate judge (juez general de bienes difuntos) in Mexico City, Doctor Alonso Martínez, ordered that the money from the auctions be sent to Juan de Avendaño, a formal resident (vecino) of Mexico City (f. 11r), who was to settle the balance of the inheritable sum, including any pending salaries.
7 September 1589

9

Diego de Molina y Padilla, appeared before Gil Verdugo, accountant and judge of accounts (juez de resultas) of the general probate court in Mexico City, to finally present the itemised results of the auction held in Acapulco (f. 11v). This was part of this bureaucratic procedure by which the authorities of New Spain informed the Casa de Contratación and the Consejo de Indias on how much money was earned by auctioning property and possessions of individuals who had passed away overseas, which preceded the identification of successors and potential distribution of the inheritance.
14 September 1589

10

A petition was read before judge Alonso Martínez, requesting the balance of the estate pending deposit in the probate treasury (caja de bienes de difuntos), in both original and copy, signed before the notary Hernando de Paz (f. 14v). The declared balance of the auction proceedings and other charges was 121.75 pesos.
In 1591

11

A partial remittance of 73 pesos with 6 tomines and 6 granos (73.8125 pesos) was sent from Mexico to the Casa de Contratación in Sevilla, aboard of the galleon helmed by general Antonio Navarro del Prado. But the sum never arrived in Spain, as the ship was captured by the English (f. 15v).
20 May 1592

12

Doctor Andrés Saldierna de Mariaca, oidor of the Audiencia of New Spain and general probate judge (oidor de esta Real Audiencia y juez general de los bienes de difuntos), gave orders that the money earned from the auctions of belongings from deceased individuals be resent to Castilla that year in the fleet under the command of General Martín Pérez de Olazabal (f. 15v)

 

  • On 18 February 1585, Luis Díaz Marento confirms that he owes Agustín Sánchez a sum of 12 pesos, which  he had pledged to return to Sánchez whenever he requested it: “I promise to return this amount, with my assets as collateral (me obligo mi persona e bienes), asking that Manuel Fernández and Alonso Gómez sign this agreement as witnesses” (f. 8v).
  • On 14 April 1585, Agustín Sánchez confirmed that he received 6 pesos from Luis Díaz Marento as partial payment, and stated he would only ask for the remaining 6 pesos once they reached the port of Acapulco (i.e. they were traveling together). Witnesses were Miguel Lorca, Don Alonso Lucano, and Francisco Núñez. They obviously concluded this agreement on board the San Martín, that means the galleon had already left the port of Acapulco in the direction of Manila (f. 9v).
  • In 1585, probably between February and early April, Agustín Sánchez boarded the galleon San Martín in Acapulco as ship surgeon. The galleon sailed to Manila where it arrived as expected around 19 June 1585.
  • Subsequently, Sánchez started working in a local hospital, likely the Royal Hospital (Hospital Real de Españoles, 1577–1898), which treated Spanish men, [18]The Royal Hospital in Manila always had a surgeon and an apothecary (both Spaniards). or perhaps in the Hospital of La Misericordia (1578–1656), which treated slaves, Spanish women, as well as natives and foreigners who could not afford other medicinal services. [19]In 1656, it was renamed Hospital de San Juan de Dios and still exists today.
  • In summer 1586, the San Martín set sail from Manila on its return journey to Acapulco. Sánchez passed away on this journey—no exact date is provided in the manuscript.
  • On 24 November 1586, the San Martín navigated close to the coasts of America, approaching Acapulco as expected. Pedro de Ortega, captain of the galleon, reports that Sánchez had passed away on the return voyage. An inventory of his possessions was drawn before the ships’s notary, Diego Zárate, while the ship’s constable (alguacil), Juan García Vázquez, was designated as their custodian (f. 8v).
  • Given that Sánchez died without a known will, his belongings were openly sold to the highest bidder in two auctions, on 6 February (ff. 4r–6v) and on 14 February 1587 (f. 7r), for a total of 124.75 pesos. A local probate judge (juez de bienes de difuntos), Diego de Molina y Padilla, was responsible for the administrative organization of these proceedings (almoneda pública).
  • On 20 December 1588, the general probate judge (juez general de bienes difuntos) in Mexico City, Doctor Alonso Martínez, ordered that the money from the auctions be sent to Juan de Avendaño, a formal resident (vecino) of Mexico City (f. 11r), who was to settle the balance of the inheritable sum, including any pending salaries.
  • On 7 September 1589, Diego de Molina y Padilla, appeared before Gil Verdugo, accountant and judge of accounts (juez de resultas) of the general probate court in Mexico City, to finally present the itemised results of the auction held in Acapulco (f. 11v). This was part of this bureaucratic procedure by which the authorities of New Spain informed the Casa de Contratación and the Consejo de Indias on how much money was earned by auctioning property and possessions of individuals who had passed away overseas, which preceded the identification of successors and potential distribution of the inheritance.
  • On 14 September 1589, a petition was read before judge Alonso Martínez, requesting the balance of the estate pending deposit in the probate treasury (caja de bienes de difuntos), in both original and copy, signed before the notary Hernando de Paz (f. 14v). The declared balance of the auction proceedings and other charges was 121.75 pesos.
  • In 1591, a partial remittance of 73 pesos with 6 tomines and 6 granos (73.8125 pesos) was sent from Mexico to the Casa de Contratación in Sevilla, aboard of the galleon helmed by general Antonio Navarro del Prado. But the sum never arrived in Spain, as the ship was captured by the English (f. 15v). [20]In the context of the Anglo-Spanish War (1585–1604), the galleon may have been taken during English raids of Spanish ships in the Caribbean, for example, the blockade of Western Cuba in 1591. But … Continue reading
  • On 20 May 1592, Doctor Andrés Saldierna de Mariaca, oidor of the Audiencia of New Spain and general probate judge (oidor de esta Real Audiencia y juez general de los bienes de difuntos), gave orders that the money earned from the auctions of belongings from deceased individuals be resent to Castilla that year in the fleet under the command of General Martín Pérez de Olazabal (f. 15v)

Ensemble de gravures de costumes espagnols du XVIe siècle, 1600  (Gallica, BnF)

The Personal and Professional Belongings of Agustín Sánchez

The goods Agustín Sánchez carried on board included many items, especially garments and loose fabrics, including those made from linen or similar light cottons (lienzo), or other cotton fabrics (algodón), as well as ruff collars (cuellos), shirts (for example, camisas de lienzo de Castilla y de China), handkerchiefs (pañuelos), table napkins, a bedcover, a bed canopy (pabellón), and bed sheets (sabanas de lienzo de sangley). [21]As for the demonym “Sangley”, see George B. Souza and Jeffrey Scott Turley (eds.), The Boxer Codex: Transcription and translation of an illustrated late sixteenth-century Spanish manuscript … Continue reading There was also a small chest with lock and key filled with cup-shaped containers used for mixing substances, such as herbs, medicines, etc., and some letters (cajuela chica de sangley llena de salçeretas de barro de china con su llave e unas cartas). Additionally, “Sangley” cases with two inkwells (caxuelas de sangley con dos tinteros de plomo), books, wine (vino de la tierra), furniture, etc. The so-called “Sangley cases” or chests were probably smaller, decorated cases made of wood or other materials, and were either made by the Chinese community in the Philippines, or, alternatively, on the Chinese mainland and then sold in Manila by Chinese merchants. Chinese traders and settlers in Manila were referred to as Sangleyes by the Spaniards. [22]“Sangley” was, thus, a Spanish transliteration, possibly even of an already existing term, designating Chinese merchants and the Chinese community in Manila. It has been interpreted as a … Continue reading Interesting is also a ceramic jar (tinaja), filled with “Chinese wine” (vino de China), either a fermented beverage or distilled spirit, which sold for 5.5 pesos (f. 7r), as well as a small box with ointments and an ivory comb (caxoncillo con ungüentos y un peyne de marfil, f. 6r).

Books

Several medical texts, as well as a few other books, were taken on board and placed in a box with lock and key. The list provides us a greater understanding of the kind of medical literature surgeons and physicians considered important on board: [23]For a general survey, see also Fernando López-Ríos Fernández, Medicina Naval Española en la Época de los Descubrimientos (Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1993).

 

  • 2 libros de Práctica de Juan de Vigo (f. 1r), most likely Teorica y pratica en cirurgia (Theory and practice in surgery, 1537), by Juan de Vigo (Giovanni da Vigo, 1460–1520), an Italian doctor and surgeon. [24]An extant version at the Biblioteca Nacional de España (BNE) is Giovanni de Vigo, Libro, o pratica en Cirurgia del muy famoso y experto Doctor Juan de Vigo […] traduzido de lengua latina en … Continue reading
  • Libro de medicina que se dize modu[s] faciendi, most probably Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi (Craftsmanship according to medical guidelines; Seville, 1527), by Fray Bernardino de Laredo (1482–1540). It is considered the first Castilian pharmacopoeia. [25]Although the author was neither a doctor nor a pharmacist, Laredo’s pharmacopoeia was highly valued because the author had been trained by Luis Lovera de Ávila (1480–1551), Núñez de Sevilla … Continue reading
  • Libro de los secretos del reverendo Don Alexo Piamontes (Book of the secrets of the respectable Don Alexo Piamontes; Valladolid, 1595). [26]Alejo Piamontes, Libro de los secretos del reverendo Don Alexo Piamontes. (Valladolid: Diego Ferna[n]dez de Cordova y Oviedo impressor del rey nuestro señor, a costa de Pedro Osete mercader de … Continue reading
  • Cirugia universal (Universal surgery, 1580), by Juan Fragoso (1530–1597), a physician and botanist from Toledo and surgeon of Philip II (f. 1v). [27]See Francisco Sánchez Capelot, La obra quirúrgica de Juan Fragoso (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1957); José M. López Piñero, “Fragoso, Juan”, in José M. López Piñero, Thomas F. … Continue reading
  • Another Cirugia by Fragoso.
  • Yntitulado Antonio Pez, that is Summa y examen de chirurgia by Antonio Perez (fl. 16th century), a Portuguese physician and surgeon (medico y chirurjano), published in Madrid in 1568. [28]Antonio Perez, Summa y examen de chirurgia y de lo mas necessario que en ella se contiene, con breves expusiciones de algunas sentencias de Hipocrates y Galeno (Madrid: Pierres Cosin, 1568). Images … Continue reading
  • El [Sobremesa y] Alivio de caminantes (Table-talk and relief of itinerant people, 1569) by Juan de Timoneda (1518/1520–1583), a collection of 161 anecdotes and jests. [29]Full title: El sobremesa y alivio de caminantes de Joan Timoneda; en el qual se contienen affables y graciosos dichos, cuentos heroycos y de mucha sentencia y doctrina. A 19th-century manuscript copy … Continue reading
  • Cirugia de mase alo (?), probably refers to Summa y recopilación de cirugía (Comprehensive account and recompilation of surgery, 1578), by master (de maese) Alonso López de Hinojosos. This was perhaps the most popular surgeon in New Spain during the sixteenth century, where he managed the Hospital Real de San José de los Naturales, a hospital established by the Franciscan order in Mexico between 1529 and 1531, in order to provide the indigenous population (i.e. the naturales) with medical services and treatment.

Perez, Summa y examen de chirurgia, 1568  (Universidad Complutense, Madrid)

 

López de Hinojosos introduced the use of leeches (sanguijuelas) and, in 1578, wrote the first work on surgery in the New World, including initial observations on odontology in Mexico. [30]An early edition is Alonso López de Hinojosos, Summa y recopilación de cirugía, con un arte para sangrar, y examen de barberos (Mexico: Casa de Pedro Belli, 1595), … Continue reading

  • Compendio de la salud humana (Compendium of human health [Fasciculus medicinae], 1494), by Johannes de Ketham (1415–1470), a German physician living in Italy. [31]An early Spanish print is Johannes de Ketham, Compendio de la salud humana (Zaragoza?: Pablo Hurus, 1492), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000052266.
  • De avisos de sanidad (Treatise on health), most likely Regimento y aviso de sanidad que trata de todo genero de Alimentos y del regimiento della… (1569) by Francisco Núñez de Oria (ca. 1535–?). The book provides ample information on the use of food, including bread, meat, fish, vegetables, fruits, and beverages (such as wine and water), consequently serving as an important reference on board for dietary questions. [32]See Francisco Núñez de Oria, Regimiento y auiso de sanidad:que trata de todos los generos de alimentos y del regimiento della / agora nueuamente añadido y corregido por … Francisco Nuñez de … Continue reading
  • Los problemas de Villalobos (Problems; Zaragoza, 1544), [33]Book in two parts: the first one covers questions of the human body and the second one questions of morality, including also two dialogues on medicine, the treatise of the three great things (that … Continue reading by Francisco de Villalobos (ca. 1473–ca. 1549), a Jewish converso and court physician. [34]Villalobos was one of the first doctors who described syphilis and gained a reputation for his Sumario de la medicina, including a Tratado sobre las pestíferas buvas (Salamanca: Antonio de Barreda, … Continue reading
  • Libro de Farfan (f. 1v), that is, the Tratado breve de medicina (Brief treatise of medicine), by Agustín Farfán (ca. 1532–1604), a Spanish physician who in 1592 published a medical treatise in which he introduced the most common diseases. [35]López-Ríos Fernández, Medicina Naval Española, 111. Farfán also describes scurvy and the administration of lemons and oranges as a remedy. His book consequently served as a kind of standard reference. [36]An early sixteenth-century Mexican print is Agustín Farfán, Tratado breve de medicina y todas las enfermedades, hecho por el Padre Agustin Farfan, Doctor en Medicina, y Religioso indigno de la … Continue reading
  • Segunda parte del libro llamado Abecedario spiritual: donde se tratan diversos exercicios en cada letra el suyo (Second part of a book entitled “Spiritual alphabet”: in which various exercises by each single letter are dealt with), by Fray Francisco de Osuna (1492/1497– ca. 1540), a Spanish Franciscan friar. [37]Francisco de Osuna, Segunda parte del Abecedario espiritual donde se tratan diversos exercicios en cada letra del suyo (Burgos: Juan de Junta, 1555), https://books.google.com/books?id=qyhoWxc5P3MC.
  • 2 cartapacios de mano, or 2 handwritten notebooks.
  • 3 libros desquadernados sin principio ni cabo, that is, 3 unbound books “without beginning or end”, likely a loose pile of documents.

 

Analysing this list, it is interesting to note that Agustín Sánchez carried books that had just been printed a few years before, such as Juan Fragoso’s Cirugía universal (1580). It is of course also possible that such important medical books had “traversed the Atlantic several times as manuscript copies and published borrowings. Francisco Hernández’ manuscripts [38]Francisco Hernández (1515? –1587), a botanist who was famous for his Historia natural de Nueva España (Natural History of New Spain). His works are available through the website of the … Continue reading , for example, circulated in private copies among European botanists and physicians before the text appeared in print.” [39]Nancy Marquez, “Shifting the Frontiers of Early Modern Science: Astronomers, Botanists, and Engineers in Viceregal New Spain during the Habsburg Era, 1535–1700”, Ph.D. dissertation, Victoria … Continue reading Fragoso’s work De succedaneis medicamentis (On substitute medicinals, 1575) [40]Juan Fragoso, De succedaneis medicamentis liber denuo auctus… Ejusdem animadversiones, in quamplurima medicamenta composita, quorum est usus in hispanicis officinis (Madrid [Mantua Carpetanorum]: … Continue reading obviously belonged to the best represented books circulating in contemporary Mexico. [41]Leonard A. Irving, “Best Sellers of the Lima Book Trade, 1583”, The Hispanic American Historical Review 22:1 (1942), 16. Fragoso also wrote a book on aromatic trees, fruits, and other medicinals that were imported from the East Indies (1572), [42]Juan Fragoso, Discursos de las cosas aromáticas, arboles y frutales y de otras muchas medicinas simples que se traen de la India Oriental (Madrid: F. Sánchez, 1572), … Continue reading and his works dominated the field of surgery at the time. [43]Linda A. Newson, Making Medicines in Early Colonial Lima, Peru. Apothecaries, Science and Society [Atlantic World. Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830, 34] (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 131. His Cirugia universal, obviously accompanied by the Summa y recopilación de cirugía by Alonso López de Hinojosos, have been found as part of a documented personal library from Spanish Manila, which would “suggest that they were included as practical references for one residing at a remote outpost where professional medical assistance could hardly be expected”. [44]Leonard A. Irving, “One Man’s Library, Manila, 1583”, Hispanic Review 15:1, Schevill Memorial Number (1947), 89. Irving refers to a document “Enero 1583. Documentos remitidos por el Comisario … Continue reading The fact that the list of books he carried included titles pertaining to morality and curing the soul, should also not be surprising. After all, this was part of contemporary medicine. [45]See Schottenhammer, Torck, and De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters”, and “The Case of Agustín Sánchez” (Parts 1 and 2), TRANSPACIFIC Podcast.

Books were important for various social strata of Spaniards who lived overseas. [46]Carlos Alberto Gonzáles Sánchez, “Los Libros de los Españoles en el Virreinato del Perú. Siglos XVI y XVII”, Revista de Indias LVI:206 (1996), 14: “De los 444 inventarios de Bienes de … Continue reading And medicinal books ranked high. [47]Two other scientific titles identified in the lists of bienes de difuntos in the Viceroyalty of Peru are the Aritmética práctica y especulativa, by Pérez de Moya, and a famous nautical manual, the … Continue reading According to María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala, the following books had been part and parcel of the inventory of physicians since 1592: one general book on medicine, two about surgery (cirugía), one about bloodletting (sangrar), and another one by Fray Dr Farfán. Added later was also a voluminous book on surgery by Juan Fragoso, and a book with remedies for all kinds of diseases titled Tesoro de pobres (Treasure of the poor) [48]Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 468–474. Another surgeon who passed away in the eighteenth century left in total 14 special medicinal works: el Fragoso de Cirugía … Continue reading . It should be clear that, in face of the limited space available on board, surgeons would have certainly not taken more books on board than were considered necessary. Medical books, especially on surgery, and works about religion and morality definitely ranked among the most important. An early eighteenth-century entry in the Contaduría section of AGI, for example, which normally does not include very detailed cargo lists, also mentions three books on surgery and one discussing “morality” (tres libros de sirujia y uno de moral). [49]“Resúmenes de cuentas de factoría y Real Hacienda”, 30 April 1725 to 20 March 1726, factor Don Juan de Arrazain, official judge of the Real Hacienda of Acapulco, AGI, Contaduría, 907, f. 40v.

Book Cover Gallery

Slide 2 libros de Práctica de Juan de Vigo (f. 1r), most likely Teorica y pratica en cirurgia (Theory and practice in surgery, 1537), by Juan de Vigo (Giovanni da Vigo, 1460–1520), an Italian doctor and surgeon. Book Cover of the Cirugia de Juan de Vigo Slide Libro de medicina que se dize modu[s] faciendi, most probably Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi (Craftsmanship according to medical guidelines; Seville, 1527), by Fray Bernardino de Laredo (1482–1540). It is considered the first Castilian pharmacopoeia. Book Cover of Modus fasciendi

Implements

Agustín Sánchez’ book collection consequently provides us with an interesting insight into which literature was considered essential on board a ship. We also learn more about the medical tools that were carried on board. Sánchez’ equipment included 6 forceps for the extraction of back teeth, pincers, barber’s equipment (including mirrors), and a drug case or medicine chest with a small glass vessel filled with balsam (some form of oil). There were also needles, scalpels, and grinding stones to prepare medicines that belonged to the normal equipment of a ship surgeon, as well as:

 

  • 3 jars and 2 small jars or bottles filled with water buffalo horn (Bubali Cornu), either as fragments or in powder form (dos frascos grandes con sus frasquillos de bufano). [50]We wish to thank Dr Ignacio Chuecas Saldías for the information that, in contemporary Spanish texts, the term bufano occurs referring to the Asian buffalo (búfalo asiático). Like rhinoceros horn (Rhinoceri Asiatici Cornu), it was used for medicinal purposes.
  • A box with 3 forceps, 3 pliers, 2 scissors, 2 razor knives, and a fire lighter (un caxon con tres gatillos e un alican y dos alicanes e dos tijeras e dos navajas e otro de fuego, f. 1v), a sharpening stone, a small razor knife ornamented with silver, and one golden beryl (a mineral consisting of a silicate of beryllium and aluminium).
  • Torniquets (trençaderas), used by surgeons to amputate human limbs. [51]See Alonso Romano, Recopilacion de toda la theorica y practica de cirugia: Aora nueuamente lleua añadido un Tratado del modo de curar carnosidades y callos de la via de la orina de Miguel de Leriza, … Continue reading
  • 2 mirrors with ebony frames, 2 combs, small gifts and many papers on medical matters (espejos guarneçidos de ebano e tres peynes e pentenores e muchos papelles con cossas de mediçina).
  • A copper case with 4 surgical irons and a tube or cylinder, possibly used for bloodletting [52] Barber-surgeons continued to let blood through the seventeenth century. Even the discovery of blood circulation, described by William Harvey (1578–1657) in 1616 (a finding published 1628), did … Continue reading or enemas [53]Tubes of bone, bamboo, wood or metal were attached to animal bladders or bags made of silk or other fabrics. By the sixteenth century, clyster syringes made of silver, ivory, or pewter became more … Continue reading (un estuche de cobre con quatro hierros de cirugia y un canute).
  • A barber’s seat and a certificate issued by officials in Manila, with other letters and reports (su asiento de barbero e una certificaçion de los oficiales con otros cartas e memorias).
  • A sword, a dagger, and an arquebus (una espada e una daga y un arcabuz, f. 1r).
  • Listed among these is also a vest or jerkin made of goat leather (cordoban) with tafetta (f. 1v), likely part of his dress.

 

We read that barber equipment, with 5 lancets with silver ends, 4 irons to extract teeth, needles, razors, and a sharpening stone were bought by a certain Agustín de Madrid for 4.25 pesos (f. 5v). To Sánchez’ equipment also belonged 6 forceps for the extraction of back teeth, and other barber equipment, including mirrors (f. 6r). A total of 19 books on surgery and notebooks were purchased by a certain Diego López (diez e nuebe libros viejos […] de cirugias e cartapacios de mano de diferentes cosas, f. 6r) for a sum of 4 pesos. The small glass with balsam (un basito de balsamo), together with an empty glass and a shoehorn (calçador), were sold to Domingo de de Ugarte for half a peso (f. 6r). Some orange preserve and a small clay bottle with a bit of oil (poco de conserva de naranjada e una botica con un poco de aceite) to Agustín de Madrid for 1.5 pesos (f. 7r).

Treating Symptoms of Scurvy and Other Diseases on Board

Ship surgeons responsible for long and grueling ocean crossings had to be equipped for many casualties and diseases. One would expect a wide range of ointments, syrups, and medical tools to treat external wounds, but also those intended for all kinds of different internal malaise, especially those caused by poor hygiene and malnutrition. Perhaps some of the most frequent and cruel ailments were those resulting from malnutrition, as was scurvy, caused by a deficiency of vitamin C in the daily diet. [54]Vitamin C is instrumental in the absorption of iron from vegetable foods, and in the synthesis of collagen. It supports the immune system in the protection from diseases. In order to keep the body in … Continue reading The forceps and irons needed for the extraction of back teeth—mentioned more than once in our text—indirectly attest to the problem of scurvy. In the course of several months on a vitamin-C low diet, a patient’s condition will further worsen with multiple symptoms, like swollen and bleeding gums, loosening or loss of teeth, anemia, rashes and hemorrhages in the lower extremities. It is consequently not surprising that a ship surgeon needed irons and forceps to pull loose teeth, especially the back teeth with longer tooth roots. Another ship surgeon, Alonso Sánchez de Herrera, active around 1600, carried among his belongings a bag with five iron tools to pull back teeth, a cautery, and a small grinding stone. [55]María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala, “Los Cirujanos de las Fuerzas Armadas en la Nueva España. ¿Miembros de un Estamento Ocupacional o una Comunidad?”, Ludus Vitalis XI: 19 (2003), 105, with reference … Continue reading

Well into the seventeenth century, scurvy still posed a serious threat to all ocean crossings. A Spanish letter, written by the Flemish-born Diego de Salcedo, Governor-General of the Philippines (1663–1668), reports a horrible eight-month voyage on a Spanish galleon crossing the Pacific from Luzon to Acapulco, with more than 100 deaths due to scurvy, which he referred to as “mal de Loanda” (no se consiguiera su entrada sin mucho riesgo por haber muerto en el viaje mas de ciento personas del mal de Loanda y traer la demás gente que venia en ella muy enferma). [56]AGI, Filipinas, 23, R. 2, N. 4, Expediente sobre los socorros y el situado de Filipinas (21 June 1661), image 57, http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/421637?nm. Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri (1651–1725), a seventeenth-century Italian adventurer and world traveller, who crossed the Pacific from the Philippines to Mexico in 1697, paints a similar picture. [57]He was carrying mercury to be sold in Mexico with a 300% profit. His diary, Giro del Mondo (Journey around the World, 1699), describes the journey as a nightmare, where the pervasiveness of scurvy, the so-called “Dutch Disease”, made “the Mouth sore, putrefies the Gums, and makes the Teeth drop out” (l’altro, ch’è una ſpezie di ſcorbuto, ed è detto mal d’olanda, impiaga la bocca tutta, putrefa le gingive, e fa cader le mole ei denti). [58]Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, Giro del mondo. 5, Contenente le cose piu ragguardevoli vedute nell’isole Filippine (Venezia: Coleti, 1728), 248, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, … Continue reading

In the late sixteenth century, European seafarers did not yet know about the relieving effects of fruits and vegetables as part of the diet. The crews equipped themselves with incenses to fight against evil miasmas but also against rats, cockroaches, and all kinds of noxious insects. Enemas—injections of fluid into the rectum intended to cleanse or stimulate the emptying of the bowels—complemented bloodletting as standard remedies in the sixteenth century, based on the general idea of expelling the “humours” from the sick patients’ bodies. [59]For example, Gerry Greenstone, “The history of bloodletting”, BC Medical Journal 52:1 (2010), 14; Desroches, Jean-Paul, Gabriel Casal, and Franck Goddio (eds.), Treasures of the San Diego (New … Continue reading, 176–178; Bolli, “William Harvey and the Discovery of the Circulation.”)) Thus, one would expect to find several kinds of small hoses and syringes as well as knifes and scissors in the medical chests of surgeons, tools and instruments that we also find among the implements of Agustín Sánchez. Also highly valued were substances that induced vomiting or that had anti-microbial and antiseptic qualities, like camphor. [60]Schottenhammer, Torck, and De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters”.

Many of the medicinal drugs, herbs, and plants that were used on board, especially when setting sail from Acapulco originated in the Americas. [61]Philip II officially sponsored the exploration and investigation of American (and Philippine) native plants and medicine. The royal decree (real cédula) of 11 January 1570 created the Protomedicato … Continue reading  The narcotic plant called picietl in Náhuatl (Nicotiana rustica L.) [62]See Gran Diccionario Náhuatl (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2018), http://www.gdn.unam.mx/diccionario/consultar/palabra/picietl/id/188963. , also called Aztec tobacco, was a case in point. The book of Dr Farfán, which was part of Agustín Sánchez on-board library suggests el piciete to induce vomiting. It was a mixture of fresh or dried powdered tobacco leaves, lime, and, often, garlic, and was believed to protect not only against vipers and other venomous animals, but also evil spirits, enemies, and sorcery, as well as possessing the power to “extract disease.”

Unfortunately, our manuscript does not provide us with further details as to which kinds of medicines and herbs our ship surgeon carried on board, but he was definitely equipped for treating scurvy. The preserved oranges spring to mind in this context, while balsam was highly valued to treat external wounds. Buffalo horn was used to “reduce heat” [63]Rui Liu, Min Wang, and Jin-ao Duan, “Antipyretic and antioxidant activities of the aqueous extract of Cornu bubali (water buffalo horn)”, American Journal of Chinese Medicine 38:2 (2010), … Continue reading , and modern experiments with rats have proven its antipyretic effects. [64]Rui Liu, Qiong Huang, Jinjun Shan, Jin-ao Duan, Zhenhua Zhu Pei Liu, Yong Bian, Er-xin Shang, and Dawei Qian, “Metabolomics of the Antipyretic Effects of Bubali Cornu (Water Buffalo Horn) in … Continue reading A comb may have been used for removing lice, and as such would have been part of the normal equipment of a surgeon [65]John Burnett, “The Gustiani Medicine Chest”, Medical History 26 (1982), 329. , as would have been the various ointments he carried in a box, or the bottles with special oils. [66]Unfortunately, no details are provided; the text just speaks of aceite.

From the little information we do possess on these types of medicines (ointments, liquids, syrups etc.), we would suggest that Agustín Sánchez carried a more or less typical mid- to late- sixteenth-century maritime medicine chest with typical medical equipment on board.

Auctioning off Sánchez’ Property

As Agustín Sánchez had no known heirs, his belongings were sold in an auction after the ship had returned to Acapulco. In this context, his medical books and equipment, including needles, scalpels, grinding stones, etc., were sold perhaps to other physicians or to merchants who intended to resell the equipment, though we only know the buyers by name. [67]Over 60% of the auction proceeds came from only five repeat buyers: Domingo de Olarte/Ugarte (13.5 pesos), Pedro Roncesvalles (14.25), Agustín de Madrid (14.125), Pedro González (12.375), Juan de … Continue reading (The itemised auction purchases for each of the 23 buyers is presented as a table in the following section.) The idea was to auction off all of his belongings, so that the probate judge responsible for handling the property of those without a known will could submit his inheritance for distribution as a sum of money, rather than an extensive collection of various material goods. [68]Antonio García-Abásolo, “The Private Environment of the Spaniards in the Philippines”, Philippine Studies 44:3 (1996), 349–373: “Even if they had died without leaving their testament, this … Continue reading

The proceedings of probate courts (autos de bienes de difuntos) are an immensely valuable source for Spanish colonial history, and a great variety of probate inventories from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have survived in Spanish and Latin American archives. [69]Research on probate proceedings (autos de bienes de difuntos) has become a field in its own right. Historians have focused on wide ranging issues, such as legal practices, and customs, religiosity … Continue reading Many Spaniards overseas met a sudden death, with no will or document specifying what to do with their belongings after they died, which rendered them as “intestates” (abintestatos). According to the contemporary applicable Spanish law, when someone passed away without a formal will, all their belongings would be transferred into the ownership of the Spanish state, which then decided what to do with them. This particular legal procedure sought to safeguard material possessions of both Spaniards and foreigners who died as intestates in Spanish America. [70]Ibid., 32. In many cases, individuals or authorities close to the deceased could otherwise take possession of their property due to the absence of a formal will and the remoteness of their possible heirs in the Iberian Peninsula. Hence, the colonial administration established probate courts to ensure that assets ultimately reached their legitimate successors or were ultimately transferred to the Real Hacienda (Royal Treasury), which became the legitimate heir in the absence of others. [71]María Belén García López, “Los Autos de Bienes de Difuntos en Indias: El caso del sevillano Baltasar Tercero”, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos (2010), … Continue reading

Colonial authorities, after verifying the non-existence of a will, ordered local officials to first draw up an inventory all the possessions of the deceased. The assets were then auctioned by the probate court (juzgado de bienes de difuntos), which later remitted the proceeds to Spain. [72]José Luis Soberanes Fernández, “El Juzgado de Bienes de Difuntos”, Revista Chilena de Historia del Derecho I:22 (2010), 637–638.  As we have suggested above, the Casa de la Contratación in Seville preferred bullion over physical objects, which besides representing a bulky cargo to be shipped on board one of the Atlantic fleets, were generally of little benefit or interest to them. That is the reason why the organization of a public auction, as occurred with Agustín Sánchez’ personal belongings, became the rule.

Some aspects of these proceedings, however, were modified when somebody passed away onboard. First, the ship’s notary (Diego de Zárate on the San Martín) had to formally attest the death. Subsequently, the captain nominated a crew member to draw up an inventory of the deceased’s goods, acting as custodian (custodio or depositario de bienes) (f. 1r–3r). In the Sánchez case, this was the ship’s constable (alguacil), Juan García Vázquez. Debts payable and receivable were also formally recorded. Once the ship had reached the closest port of call, the custodian would notify the local judge of the probate court and properly deliver the list of assets, so that the court could proceed with the public auction (f. 4r–7r).

Custodians were relieved of their duties upon submission of the inventory to the judge. Money collected from the auctions, which in the Sánchez case took place in Acapulco, had to then be sent to the general probate court of the viceroyalty—either Mexico City or Lima—where the general judge of the probate court (juez general de bienes de difuntos) was seated. This court served as a final depot before the returns from the auction were shipped to the Casa de Contratación in Sevilla.

While we possess a great abundance of such proceeding on the assets of deceased individuals, including physicians, very little information is available on ship surgeons serving on galleons of to and from New Spain, especially in Mexican archives, a point emphasised by María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala. [73]Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 472. We find information on these individuals in the Contratación section of AGI, under the records of the bienes de difuntos. Rodríguez-Sala has identified the records of 63 ship surgeons contracted by the Royal Navy between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries [74]Ibid., 474, reference 4., who served at several geographic locations in Spain’s overseas colonies, such as San Blas, Veracruz, Acapulco, or Manila. Yet she has only located the probate records of six ship surgeons employed on galleons during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These included Agustín Sánchez, along with Jerónimo de Silva (1590) [75]AGI, Contratación, 923, N. 21, Bienes de difuntos: Jerónimo de Silva (1590): “Autos sobre los bienes de Jerónimo de Silva, barbero y cirujano de nao, natural de Oporto (Portugal), hijo de Juan y … Continue reading , Hernán de Alba (1623) [76]AGI, Contratación, 354, N. 10, Autos de bienes de difuntos (1623): “De Hernán de Alba, barbero y cirujano de la nao almiranta, natural al parecer de Sevilla, y difunto en Veracruz.” , Francisco García Matamala (1642) [77]AGI, Contratación, 420, N.2, Bienes de difuntos: Francisco García Matamala (1642); “Testamento. inventario y almoneda de los bienes de Francisco García Matamala, cirujano de la almiranta de la … Continue reading , Antonio de Monzonias (1701) [78]AGI, Contratación, 466, N. 4, R. 5, Bienes de difuntos: Antonio de Monzonias (1701): “Autos sobre declarar por testamento la memoria de don Antonio de Monzonias, licenciado en cirugía, natural de … Continue reading , and Juan de Castro Infante (1704–1711) [79]AGI, Contratación, 983, Autos de bienes de difuntos: Juan de Castro Infante (1704–1711): “Poder y testamento en virtud de él, inventario y otras diligencias de Juan de Castro Infante, cirujano … Continue reading . Among these few, Agustín Sánchez was the only one employed on a trans-Pacific galleon. [80]The others served on trans-Atlantic galleons and sailed between Sevilla and New Spain. Jerónimo de Silva served on the Santa María Begoña (1589), under captain Cristobal Sánchez, while Antonio de … Continue reading

Auction Table

 

If we return to the auction of the personal and professional belongings of Agustín Sánchez,. we see that a Señor Don Diego de Molina y Padilla acted as the presiding judge (juez, f. 3v and 11v) and a certain Alvaro de Castillo as notary (escribano, f. 7v). The following items were sold among 22 bidders during the first auction, for a subtotal of 109 pesos and 5 reales (109.625 pesos):

Item seqTagBuyerBuyer total (pesos)ItemPrice (pesos)ImagesText locationHyperlinksNotes
2.51st Auction, 8 Feb 15874 bedsheets of Sangley lienzo7Pedro de Quesada123 pillows and other old small cushions (açerillos = acericos)2.5
6.1251st Auction, 8 Feb 15874 razors and 1 pair of scissors2.5Diego de Sosa81 pair of cotton stockings2.625
211st Auction, 8 Feb 15870.6256.125Una escobilla en çinco rreales en Pedro de BalmasedaDiego de Sosa1 broken sword and some sword belts (talabartes)
Andrés ToscanoAgustín de Madrid1st Auction, 8 Feb 15872 old leather jerkins (coletos)193 pairs of stockings, 1 headscarf (tocador), and 2 old lienzo handkerchiefs from China330.6255r, 01–03
35TAMENETE: The Bolivian national archives, Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia, have an entry confirming that this is a kind of textile fabric, see http://34.122.142.167/index.php/tamenete-tela (accessed on 15 March 2022). Its use as clothing is suggested by Ricardo Palma, Tradiciones peruanas, volume 3 (Barcelona: Montaner y Simón, 1894), 230, digitized version available under https://archive.org/stream/tradicionesperu03palmgoog/tradicionesperu03palmgoog_djvu.txt (accessed on 15 March 2022). 1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871.51.375seis gatillos de sacar muelas en ellos unas tenazuelas e diez y seis herrezillos y un estuche viejo e una piedra de amolar en Diego Lopez e otro estuche viejo en dose r[eale]s.Tomás de Hinestrosa1 thick cotton fabric (manta) of “Moorish” style or manufacture, possibly muslin
Agustín de MadridLuis de Medina1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871 sleeping mat (colchonçillo) made from woven abacá (medriñaque),” 1 pillow, 1 small cushion, and 1 old bedcover in blue cloth21 small ceramic jar with a small amount of preserved orange and 1 small clay bottle (botija) with some oil471.57r, 04–08
1 small flat-lying box (caxita tumbada), possibly for storing valuable objects6v, 09–101.5una caxita tumbada en el d[ic]ho en dose r[eale]s other effects1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
1st Auction, 8 Feb 15874 pairs of baggy breeches (çaragüelles) of Chinese light fabric (lienço = lienzo: name not strictly applied to linen, but also linen-like cottons and even Chinese ramie)Pedro de Quesada2.59435.54r, 10–12quatro çaragueles del lienço de China en Juanes de Urquide en tres
1st Auction, 8 Feb 15872 old leather jerkins (coletos)Juan de Velástegui10.1252180.514.1256r, 01–03dos coletos viejos en Agustin de Madrid en quatro r[eale]s
1st Auction, 8 Feb 15872 pairs of old stockings, black and yellowFrancisco Gómez Renguifo2.12513321.252.1255v, 30–33dos pares de medias negras y amarillas viejas en Fran[cis]co Gomez Rrenguifo en diez tomines
1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871 small box with 2 old kerchiefs (pañitos), some velvet strips, and 1 combDiego de Sosa6.12523460.50.56v, 01–05un caxoncito con dos panytos viejos e unas tiras de terciopelo e un peine en Melchor de Valencia en quatro r[eale]s
1 uncompleted (unpleated?) collar4r, 30–4v, 012un cuello por acabar en dos attire1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
24r, 06–092113.5Domingo de Ugarte (Olarte?)Una sobrecama de manta de Yllocos vieja en Domingo de Ugarte en tres pes[o]s e medio 1 old bedcover of thick cotton (manta) from Ilocos, northern Luzonbedding
2dos panuelos de narises dos pares de paños de manos e dos pares de medias de algodon en Agustin de Madrid en peso e m[edi]o 14.12515Agustín de Madrid2 nose handkerchiefs, 2 pairs of hand towels, and 2 pairs of cotton stockingsattire1.5Linen and lace handkerchief, 18th c. (French) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:France_%3F,_18th_century_-_Handkerchief_-_1936.696_-_Cleveland_Museum_of_Art.tif
21st Auction, 8 Feb 1587una caxa de barbero baçia en Diego Lopez en dos 5v, 01–03professional implementsInstrument case of the official “Barber´s Company,” 17th c. (England) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Instrument_case,_England,_1650-1700_Wellcome_L0058026.jpg6
2.51st Auction, 8 Feb 1587quatro dosenas de salçeretas en Domingo de Olarte en dos p[eso]s e m[edi]o 6v, 06–08professional implementsDRAE - https://dle.rae.es/salserilla1
40.515.5313.56r, 28–31Domingo de Ugarte (Olarte?)un basito de balsamo e otro vaçio y un calçador en Domingo de Ugarte en quatro r[eale]s. other effects
4v, 13–16Preserved buffalo horns, present day (Portugal)
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Water_buffalo_horn_(Bubalus_bubalis).jpg
loose textilesnueve pañuelos de mesa de algodon en Domingo de Olarte en tres e medio Laid table with napkin, 1628 (Dutch) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pieter_Claesz_-_Banketje.jpg124
5r, 17–18Medical recipe collection, 15th c. (England) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Medical_Recipe_Collection_Wellcome_L0049310.jpgprofessional implementsUna escobilla en çinco rreales en Pedro de Balmaseda638
6 forceps to pull out teeth, 1 pair of tweezers, 16 herrezillos (likely small iron nippers), 2 old implements cases, and 1 sharpening stone6r, 07–131.5seis gatillos de sacar muelas en ellos unas tenazuelas e diez y seis herrezillos y un estuche viejo e una piedra de amolar en Diego Lopez e otro estuche viejo en dose r[eale]s.professional implements1st Auction, 8 Feb 1587Dental forceps, 17th-18th c. (Europe) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dental_forceps,_Europe,_1601-1850_Wellcome_L0058127.jpg - Instruments for tooth extraction, 18th c. (France) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Barber_surgeon_instruments#/media/File:Dental_instruments_used_for_tooth_pulling,_France,_1700-1800_Wellcome_L0057527.jpg1st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
6r, 04–06Future Charles I of England wearing red stockings, 1613 - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prince_Charles_the_Future_Charles_I_by_Robert_Peake,_1613._(University_of_Cambridge).jpgattireUnos calçones de rraso viejos en Bernabe de Vera en dose r[eale]s 210
7En Pedro Jusepe un arcabuz sin frascos en seys p[e]s[o]s e medio 6.51Pedro Jusepe1 arquebus with missing gunpowder flasksweaponry6.5
8.5Medical recipe collection, 15th c. (England) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Medical_Recipe_Collection_Wellcome_L0049310.jpg19 old surgical books and notebooks on various subjectsDiego López46r, 23–27diez e nuebe libros viejos dellos de cirugia e cartapaçios de mano de diferentes cossas en Diego Lopez en quatro. 1st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
10.1251 old pair of white cotton stockingsJuan de Velástegui1.1254v, 17–20unas medias blancas de algodon viejas en Juan de Velastegui en nueve reales 1st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
12.375Preserved buffalo horns, present day (Portugal)
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Water_buffalo_horn_(Bubalus_bubalis).jpg
3 jars and 2 small jars or bottles of buffalo horn (bufano)Pedro González2.55r, 24–26tres frascos e dos frasquillos de bufano en Pedro Gonçalez en veinte r[eale]s1st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
14other effectsPedro González12.3751 small old chest2.1256v, 16–18
14una pieça de cinabafa en Garçia de los Rios en dos 229García de los Ríos1 length of sinabafe cloth, a general reference to Dutch-style linen, also applied to a kind of white Bengal cottonloose textiles2DRAE- https://dle.rae.es/sinabafa
14.251st Auction, 8 Feb 1587dose cuellos con sus puños guarneçidos e llanos de lienço de China los dos nuevos e los demas viejos en Pedro de Rronces Valles en catorce en dos r[eale]s 4r, 24–30attireRuff collar and cuffs on Spanish gentleman, 1608- https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Portrait_de_Jorge_Manuel_Theotokopouli_détail.jpg3
21una rropilla de raso rrota e un pedaço de tafetan viejo en Pedro de Yturriçara en çinco r[eale]s 0.62543Pedro de Iturrizara1 torn satin overshirt (ropilla), of the kind typically worn over a doublet (jubón); and 1 piece of old taffetaattire0.625Youth wearing ropilla with detached sleeves over red doublet, 1626 (Spain) - https://www.museodelprado.es/en/the-collection/art-work/the-poultry-vendor/9bff2bf7-b7ac-4369-9793-6134389616c5 / Tailor wearing doublet, c. 1570 (Italian) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Giovanni_Battista_Moroni_001.jpgDRAE - https://dle.rae.es/ropilla / DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/jubón /
28beddingJuan de Velástegui10.1251 bed canopy (pabellón), with apple-shaped curtains and its curtain cords9Child’s bed canopy, c. 1624 (Dutch) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Kind_stapt_uit_bed_Pia_desideria_(serietitel),_RP-P-BI-2242.jpg5r, 07–09
334v, 21–2316214.125Agustín de Madriddos paños de manos de Çincheo viejos en Agustin de Madrid en un peso2 old hand towels from Çincheo (Zhangzhou 漳州), in Southern Fujianattire
354.12521.3751714.1255v, 04–10Agustín de Madridun estuche de barbero con çinco lançetas con cabos de plata y quatro hierros de muelas e un canutillo de agujas en quarto e un tomin en Agustin de Madrid professional implements
42attireAlejo de Murguía1.751 medieval style garment, cinched at the waist, with long sleeves and a knee-length skirt (baquerillo or aljuba), made from a European cloth known as tamenete1.75Funerary saya, similar to aljuba, 13th c. (Spain) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Saya_de_Fernando_de_la_Cerda.jpg5v, 16–18DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/aljuba /
ALJUBA. s. f. Vestidúra que usaban los Arabes: y paréce era trage para hombres y mugéres de todas espheras, pues se hacía de texídos bastos, y tambien de telas ricas. Segun Urréa, citado por Covarr. es voz Arabe Guibbetum. El P. Alcalá dice Aljúba, y su correspondiente Arabe Jubba gibeb, que manifiesta ser lo mismo que dice Urréa, y que añadido el artículo Al se dixo Aljúba con mui ligéra mudanza, y de alli Jubón los Castellános. Los Moros cautívos que reman en nuestras Galéras usan un saco sin mangas, à que llaman aljúba. Lat. Thorax, cis. HIST. DEL REY DON RODRIG. Y como recordó vió como la falsa de la Caba estaba en una aljúba de escarláta apretada, y corta por média pierna. TORR. Hist. de los Xerif. cap. 67. fol. 218. Vestía una aljúba de lana basta, y un alquicél. LOP. Jerus. lib. 15. fol. 395.
La aljúba, el almaizál, la capellína. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo I, 1726)
434v, 27–2930132.125Francisco Gómez Renguifouna pierna de manta en tres tomines en Fran[cis]co Gomez Rrenguifo1 portion of thick fabric cloth (manta), here likely Asian cottonloose textiles
440.5131.875312.1255v, 11–15Francisco Gómez Renguifounos asientos de cuellos e unas trançaderas e unas puntas de China en Fran[cis]co Gomez Rrenguifo en quatro r[eale]s attire
475v, 26–2944161.875Lorenzo Pérez Guinea and Melchor de Valenciauna daga con su setrinas e duo tuquillas en Lorenzo Perez Guinea en Melchor de Valencia en quince r[eale]s1 dagger, presumably with its handle and sheaths (su setrinas e duo tuquillas)weaponryOrnate dagger “for the left hand”, 17th c. (Spanish or Neapolitan)
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Clevelandart_1916.699.jpg
4821514.1254526r, 19–22Gaspar Alfonsodos espejos guarneçidos de evano de caxa de barbero en dos en Gaspar Alfonsoprofessional implements
attire5Shirt with simple collar and cuffs, c.1640 (Dutch) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hemd,_mogelijk_gedragen_door_Hendrik_Casimir_tijdens_de_bestorming_van_een_fort_bij_Hulst,_NG-NM-1104.jpg1st Auction, 8 Feb 15878un cuello por acabar en dos 9.5Bernabé de Vera
COLETO. s. m. Vestidúra como casaca o jubón, que se hace de piel de ante, búfalo o de otro cuero. Los largos como casacas tienen mangas, y sirven a los Soldados, para adorno y defensa, y los que son de hechúra de jubón se usan tambien para la defensa, y abrígo. Latín. Bubalinus thorax. RECOP. lib. 7. tit. 12. l. 1. Y que puedan traher cuellos con puntas, coleto de ante con passamanos de oro y seda, y todas las otras cosas. PRAGM. DE TASS. año 1680. fol. 42. De hacer un coleto de ante con solapo, veinte y quatro reales. CERV. Quix. tom. 1. cap. 23. Llegando cerca, vió Don Quixote que un coleto hecho pedazos, que sobre sí trahía, era de ámbar. NAVARRET. Conserv. disc. 33. Haciendo concepto de que los que gastaban en vanidades sus haciendas, no las tendrían para los aprestos de la guerra, en que importan más coseletes, que coletos, y más morriones fuertes, que plumas gallardas.
Coger, pescar, o pillar el coleto. Phrase vulgar con que se da a entender que a alguno le cogieron de manera que no pudo escapar. Latín. Medio thorace aliquem comprehendere. JACINT. POL. pl. 215.
Y con esto apretó Apolo las soletas,
Y pescole el coleto, aunque no quiso.
(Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo II, 1729)
Francisco EstebanDiego de Sosa1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871 broken sword and some sword belts (talabartes)201 pair of stockings, dyed red (encarnadas)1914v, 07–09
Diego López11 small box with ointments, 1 ivory comb, 1 razor, and other small items of little value6r, 14–18un caxoncillo con unguentos e un peyne de marfil e una navaja e otras menudençias de poco valor en Diego Lopez en un pesoother effects1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
Domingo de Olarte (Ugarte?)DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/papo / 21 razor, 1 slim tube or pen shaft (canuto), 1 “pounce sprinkler” (salvadera) for drying fresh ink, some empty musk pods (papillos de almisque)6v, 11–15una navaja e un canuto e una salvadera en Domingo de Olarte en dos con unos papillos de almisque vasios PAPO. s. m. La parte carnosa del animal entre la barba y el cuello. Dícese particularmente de las aves, en quienes es como un saquillo o bolsíta, en que depositan la comida, antes de passarla al buche. Latín. Guttur. En las aves Ingluvies. En el buei Palear, aris, &c. MARM. Descripc. lib. 1. cap. 23. Y es más lo que echan a perder, que lo que comen y llevan en los papos. HUERT. Plin. lib. 10. cap. 23. Y luego para volar con más firmeza se llenan los papos de arena. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo V, 1737)professional implements1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
Dos caxuelas coloradas en Tomas de Hinestrosa en nueve reales other effects211st Auction, 8 Feb 1587370.625
dos tinterillos de plomo en Diego de Sosa en seys r[eale]s Unearthed lead inkwells, 17th-18th c. (Cumbria, UK) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Inkwell_(FindID_836483).jpgprofessional implements11st Auction, 8 Feb 15872313.5
DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/botija/
14.1252nd Auction, 14 Feb 1587BOTIJA. s. f. La bota de barro pequéña, ò cubéta de madéra, en que se suelen llevar los liquóres en los navíos. Lat. Lagéna. Doliolum, i. RECOP. DE IND. lib. 9. tit. 31. l. 3. Por falta de madéra, pipas ò botíjas. OV. Hist. Chil. fol. 91. Al rededór de un estandarte, que tiene en medio el Alférez que elígen para esto, y junto à él se ponen las botíjas de vino. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo I, 1726)1 blue short, waist-length cape (capotillo)3.25Agustín de Madrid21 large earthenware jar with vino de China (Chinese wine or spirit)5.5
DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/tocador /1.251st Auction, 8 Feb 1587TOCADÓR. Se llama tambien el paño, con que se rodéa la cabeza, y cubre en forma de un gorro. Lat. Calantica. Sudarium. PUENT. Conven. lib. 2. cap. 12. §. 6. Llevaban à los enfermos los tocadóres, con que se apretaba la cabeza el Apostol, y en tocandolos, sanaban, y huían los Demonios de los cuerpos. NAVARRET. Conserv. Disc. 33. La cabeza, habituada à blandos tocadóres, no se hallará bien con el yelmo. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo VI, 1739)1 pair of old satin breeches1.5Andrés Toscano194 pieces of tamenete fabric, probably used for clothing0.625
loose textiles181st Auction, 8 Feb 158736un caxoncillo con unguentos e un peyne de marfil e una navaja e otras menudençias de poco valor en Diego Lopez en un peso1.375Tomás de Hinestrosa
Pedro González2.54 razors and 1 pair of scissors5r, 14–16Quatro navajas e unas tixeras en Pedro Gonçalez en dos y quatro r[eale]s professional implements1st Auction, 8 Feb 15871st Auction, 8 Feb 1587
quatro savanas de lienço de sangley en siete en Bernave de Vera Linen and lace handkerchief, 18th c. (French) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:France_%3F,_18th_century_-_Handkerchief_-_1936.696_-_Cleveland_Museum_of_Art.tifbedding51st Auction, 8 Feb 158799.5
Silk embroidered pillow, 17th c. (Italian)- https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pillow_Cover_(Italy),_17th_century_(CH_18338767).jpg7ACERICO. s. m. Almohada pequeña que se pone sobre las de la cama, para tener mas alta la cabeza. Lat. Cervical. CORR. Cint. fol. 80. Que le pusieron no acericos, sino almohadas. PANT. Rom. 5.
Nada me desvela tanto,
bien lo sabe mi aceríco,
como dudar si sereis
talabarte ò abanico. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo I, 1726)
https://dle.rae.es/acerico1st Auction, 8 Feb 158714.254.5dose cuellos con sus puños guarneçidos e llanos de lienço de China los dos nuevos e los demas viejos en Pedro de Rronces Valles en catorce en dos r[eale]s Tomás de Arana7 old shirts in light fabric (lienzo) from Castile and China, without collar
weaponry8DRAE - https://dle.rae.es/talabarte /)Shoulder sword belt or baldric, c. 1600 (Swedish Royal Armory) - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hetshorn_Parfocejakt,_gehäng_till_hetshorn_-_Livrustkammaren_-_86616.tif - Small sword with a Spanish blade and Dutch hilt, 17th c.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hilt-_Holland;_blade-_Spain,_17th_century_-_Small_Sword_-_1916.1100_-_Cleveland_Museum_of_Art.tif
TALABARTE. s. m. La pretina, que ciñe à la cintura, y de que cuelgan los tiros, en que se trahe asida, y pende la espada. Covarr. quiere se dixesse assi de Tahali, ù del Hebreo Talal, que vale suspender. Lat. Balteus ad ensem. PRAGM. DE TASS. año 1680. f. 38. Un talabarte de baqueta con clavazon ordinaria, no pueda passar de ocho reales. MEX. Dial. del Sol. La cercará toda en redondo, como os cerca à vos esse talabarte. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo VI, 1739)1st Auction, 8 Feb 158722dos tinterillos de plomo en Diego de Sosa en seys r[eale]s 6.125Diego de Sosa
ZARAGUELLES. s. m. Especie de calzónes, que se usaban antiguamente, anchos, y follados en pliegues, por lo que parece natural la etymología, que le dán algunos, que cita Covarr. y dicen ser voz compuesta de la voz Hebrea Zara, que vale esparcir, y de la voz Fuelle, como quien dice Zarafuelles, y otros dicen viene del Vascuence Zaragollac. Lat. Femoralia follicantia. GRAC. Mor. f. 56. Recusó el otro trage soberbio de los atavíos de los Bárbaros, como era la tyara, mitra, y muslos, ò zaragüelles. GONG. Rom. burl. en la hoja última.
Su jubón por zaragüelles,
y el sombréro por chinelas,
y por reparo del cierzo
una capa de bayeta. (Diccionario de Autoridades - Tomo VI, 1739)
Juanes de Urquide/UrquiolaTomás de Arana1st Auction, 8 Feb 15877 old shirts in light fabric (lienzo) from Castile and China, without collar92 pairs of scissors and 2 skeins of unspecified yarn52.55r, 27–29

Conclusion

The ship surgeons who crossed the Pacific aboard the Manila galleons between the mid sixteenth and early nineteenth centuries remain for the most part anonymous. While their names were systematically recorded in the annual accounting reports of the Manila treasury, we lack details on their actual identities, medical practices and equipment, personal effects, and their lives in general. Sources on ship surgeons employed on the trans-Atlantic crossing have been more forthcoming, though they remain elusive for surgeons who did not serve officially in the Spanish Armada. Even then, these documents have only come to light thanks to painstaking research and the combing of volumes of primary sources by committed historians. [81]See also Rodríguez-Sala, Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, 11. Such documents are rare outliers in the sea of wills and probate records that can be found in almost every colonial archive.

    The probate proceedings of Agustín Sánchez are thus a rare source that reveal the exhaustive collection of items that a contemporary ship surgeon carried on board, including medical equipment, drugs, and reference texts, thus helping us to reconstruct the professional life of a ship surgeon on board of an early modern galleon crossing the Pacific.
    The studied manuscript ultimately elicits the conclusion that Agustín Sánchez was more than a barber-surgeon. That medical books were found in possession of a deceased surgeon is nothing extraordinary per se, but his professional experience in Manila and the presence of other implements in his possession suggest some more far-reaching competencies as a practical doctor, perhaps also as an apothecary or pharmacist. Additional evidence beyond this manuscript would be necessary to ascertain whether Sánchez actually received some formal medical education, whether inside or outside the university system. Regardless, the details we do gather from the manuscript represent a unique window into the life of the diverse range of unexplored characters who made the trans-Pacific voyages of the Manila galleon possible.

Bibliography

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“Résumenes de cuentas de factoría y Real Hacienda”, 30 April 1725 to 20 March 1726, AGI, Contaduría, 907.

Romano, Alonso, Recopilacion de toda la theorica y practica de cirugia: Aora nueuamente lleua añadido un Tratado del modo de curar carnosidades y callos de la via de la orina de Miguel de Leriza, Cirujano Oficial de la Santa Inquisicion de Valencia (Valencia: por Benito Macè, junto el Insigno Colegio del Patriarca, 1665), https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/009265417.

“Sino-Spanish codex (Boxer codex)” (ca. 1590), Boxer mss. II, Lily Library, Indiana University, http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/general/VAB8326.

Timoneda, Juan de, El sobremesa y alivio de caminantes de Joan Timoneda; en el qual se contienen affables y graciosos dichos, cuentos heroycos y de mucha sentencia y doctrina. Agora de nueuo añadido por el mismo autor, assi en los cuentos, como en las memorias de España y Valencia (Valencia: Casa de Joan Navarro, 1569; Madrid: Melchor García, 1917), 1917 ed.: http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000113333.

Villalobos, Francisco [López] de, Los problemas de Villalobos que tracta de cuerpos naturales y morales y dos dialogos de medicina y el tractado de las tres grandes y una cancion y la comedia de Amphytrion (Zaragoza: 1544; Sevilla: Casa de Hernando Díaz, 1574), 1574 ed.: http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000105030.

———, Sumario de medicina; Tratado sobre las pestíferas buvas (Salamanca: Antonio de Barreda, 1498), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000176839.

Vigo, Giovanni de, Libro, o pratica en Cirurgia del muy famoso y experto Doctor Juan de Vigo […] traduzido de lengua latina en nuestro vulgar castellano por el Doctor Miguel Juan Pascual Valenciano (Toledo: Casa de Fernando de Sancta Cathalina, 1548), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000193830.

 

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Appendix: Transcription

“Bienes de difuntos: Agustín Sánchez” (1592), AGI, Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14, 16 ff.

http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/show/94800?nm.

1r

Agustin Ss.e barvero    Coteg[a]do

xi

[left margin]

1592

Agustin Sanchez; barbero = n[umer]o = 1.000 =

En el galeon de su mag[esta]d        1

nombrado Sant Martin q[ue]        2

va navegando por la costa de la        3

Nueva España en demanda de el        4

puerto de Acapulco en veinte e         5

quattro dias del mes de noviembre        6

de mill e quinyentos e ochenta y seis        7

años el yll[ustr]e señor Pedro de Or        8

tega capitan de este di[ch]o galeon dixo        9

que por quanto Agustin Sanchez        10

cirujano de este d[ic]ho galeon a muerto        11

este año dicho abintestato el juez le        12

mando haser ynbentario de los         13

bienes que se hallaren que el        14

suso d[ic]ho dexo e para ello hechas         15

las diligencias necesarias parecio        16

lo siguiente        17

una caxuela chica de sangley llena        18

de salçeretas de barro de China        19

con su llave e unas cartas misibas [82]Letters of other individuals.        20

dos estuches de barbero sin cosa        21

en ellos e otro pequeño con         22

çinco lancetas e un borduillo con        23

los cabos de plata e quatro hier        24

ros de nu[ev]e        25

una caxuela con su llave con lo         26

siguiente        27

dos libros de pratica de Juan de         28

Bigo        29

1v

otro libro de mediçinas que se dize        1

Modu faciendii        2

otro de don Alexo         3

otro de cirujia de Fragoso         4

otro yntitulado Antonio P[er]ez        5

otro de alibio de caminantes        6

otro de cirugia de Ma[e]se A[lon]so [83]Maese or maestre, usually referring to a doctor, in Portuguese.        7

cirugía de Fragoso/ otro        8

otro libros desquadernados         9

sin principio no cabo        10

compendio de la salud umana         11

otro de avisos de sanydad         12

item dos cartapaçios de mano         13

los problemas de Villalobos         14

segunda parte del Abeçedario es        15

piritual        16

otro libro de Farfan        17

item un coleton de cordoban ta         18

fetado viejo        19

dos frascos grandes con sus fras        20

quillos de bufano        21

una espada e una daga e un arca        22

buz        23

una almylla de escarlatin e unos        24

pedaços de lo mesmo        25

un caxon con tres gatillos e un        26

alican y dos alicanes e dos tijeras         27

e dos navajas e otro de fuego         28

e cinco alegrias e una piedra de         29

navajas e una navajuela guar         30

neçida de plata e un beril e dos         31

2r

espejos guarneçidos de ebano         1

e tres peynes e pentenores [84]An archaic expression, designating gifts or presents.        2

e munchos papelles con cossas         3

de mediçina         4

un estuche de cobre con quatro         5

hierros de cirugia y un canute        6

ytem su asiento de barbero e una         7

certificaçion de los oficiales         8

de Manyla con otros cartas e        9

memorias         10

ytem una caxuela quadrada        11

con un asiento de cuello e unas         12

trincaderas [85]This should be trençadera / trenzadera, a braided rope, RAE, Diccionario de la lengua española (DLE). e otros pañuelos e        13

unas tiras de terçiopelo viejas        14

unas medias de seda usadas e una         15

tuquilla de sombrero         16

un coleto de ante viejo e unos cal        17

çones e rropilla de raso viejo        18

dos anillos chiquitos de oro e otro         19

de oro de China e un mondadien        20

tes sola la pajuela e una pie        21

dra verde        22

un pedaçito de grana para el        23

pecho        24

ytem otro frasco y frasquillo con        25

sus cordones de cuerno de carabao        26

ytem dos pares de çapatos de        27

çangley de dos suelas que se die        28

ron a los hijos de Vallesteros         29

ytem un capote de paño azul e una         30

antepuerta [86]A kind of curtain that is hung up in front of a doors, as shelter or ornament (DLE). de lo mismo         31

2v

ytem un colchon de lana de me         1

driñaque colorado e una almo        2

hada con lana suzia         3

ytem declaro Estevan Rrodriguez, mercader de ver [87]Should read deber.        4

al d[ic]ho diffunto siete p[e]so[s] en reales        5

ytem un conoçymiento se hallo de         6

seys contra Juan Bautista        7

Trevino e Al[ons]o Ortiz como su        8

ffiador        9

las cossas que se hallaron en         10

poder de Antonyo Martinez e que        11

dan depositadas en su poder         12

Una pieza de çinabafa manchada        13

e una sobrecama blanca de Ylocos        14

usada         15

quatro nabajas e unas tijeras        16

e dos paños de manos de Anjeo [88]A type of linen. The name is derived from its place of origin, that is Anjou in France.        17

usados         18

quatro savanas de lienço de sangley        19

un pabellon de çynabafa e manga         20

blanco        21

nueve cuellos con sus puntas guar        22

neadas e llanos y uno por acabar        23

una escubilla e tiras de tiro de yllo         24

viejo        25

otros dos cuellos con sus puños         26

guarneçidos         27

tres paños de mano de lienço de sangley        28

e dos pares de medias de algodon         29

digo tres pares e otros tres pa         30

res de lienço.        31

3r

ocho panuelos de lienço        1

de la tierra de mesa         2

quatro saraguelles de lienço         3

de China y otra almohada e        4

tres aseruelos [89]These are subsequently listed as three açerilllos, small cushions. labrados e un         5

tocador         6

un par de medias encarnadas         7

de algodon rraydas        8

siete camysas de Castilla e de la         9

tierra sin cuello        10

dos caxuelas de sangley con dos        11

tinteros de plomo         12

un libro de palo con adereço        13

de yesca e pedernal [90]This was a kit for starting fire, where the flint and tinder (pedernal y yesca) were stored inside what was called a libro de palo. We thank Dr Ignacio Chuecas Saldías for his assistance in … Continue reading        14

dos manteles viejos         15

hasta aquí las quinse parti        16

das de arriba quedo en poder de         17

d[ic]ho Ant[oni]o Martinez        18

ytem media botixa de açeyte e         19

medio bote de conserva        20

quatro tinajas bacias de Borney         21

e una de vino de la tierra        22

otra tinaja de Borney         23

lo qual contenydo en las cinquenta        24

e quatro partidas de la caja         25

de atras y esta el señor capitan         26

lo mando dar y entregar a Juan        27

Garçia Vazquez alguasil real dela        28

d[ic]ha nao como a depositario para        29

lo dar y entregar en el puerto de         30

3v

Acapulco a quien de d[e]r[ec]ho le per        1

teneçiere el d[ic]ho Juan Garçia se        2

hizo cargo de ello para lo suso        3

d[ic]ho e a ello se obligo por su        4

persona e bienes e lo firmo        5

de su nombre siendo t[estig]os Fern[an]do        6

de Mendoça e Domingo de Molina         7

e Diego de Buendia contramaes         8

ttre fecho ut supra Pedro de Or        9

tega Juan Garçia @[n]te my Diego        10

de Çarate escribano nombrado        11

En el puerto de Acapulco ocho         12

de febrero de mill e quinientos         13

ochenta y siete años el juez         14

señor Diego de Molina Padilla         15

juez de comysion dixo que por        16

mando Juan Garçia alguasil         17

del agua de la nao Sant M[artin]         18

entrego a su m[e]r[ce]d ciertos bienes        19

de rropas de vestir que tenya de        20

positados por bienes de Agu        21

stin Sanchez que murio abintestato         22

en el viaje de la d[ic]ha nao Sant        23

Martin de lo qual mandava e        24

mando se haga almoneda e se        25

rremate en quien mas por ellos         26

diere e por presençia del d[ic]ho        27

señor juez e de my el presente         28

escrivano e tes[ti]gos por voz de Jo[a]n         29

de Medina pregonero se vendieron        30

4r

E remataron las cossas        1

siguientes        2

En Pedro Jusepe un arca        3

buz sin frascos en seys         4

p[e]s[o]s e medio     vi pº iiii tº    5

Una sobrecama de manta        6

de Yllocos vieja en Domingo         7

de Ugarte en tres pes[o]s         8

e medio    iii pº iiii tº    9

quatro çaragueles del        10

lienço de China en Juan        11

es de Urquide en tres     iii pº     12

tres almohadas e otros        13

hazerillos viejos en Pedro        14

de Quesada en dos         15

e medio     ii pº iiii tº    16

siete camysas viejas de lien        17

ço de Castilla e de China         18

sin cuellos en Tomas de A        19

rana en quatro e m[edi]o     iiii pº iiii tº    20

quatro savanas de        21

lienço de sangley en siete         22

en Bernave de Vera    vii pº    23

dose cuellos con sus puños        24

guarneçidos [91]Embroidered. e llanos de        25

lienço de China los dos        26

nuevos e los demas viejos         27

en Pedro de Rronces         28

Valles en catorce         29

e dos r[eale]s    xiiii pº ii tº    30

un cuello por acabar en         31

4v

Pedro Gonçalez en dos    ii pº    1

dos panuelos de narises e         2

dos pares de paños de        3

manos e dos pares de medias         4

de algodon en Agustin de         5

Madrid en peso e m[edi]o     i pº iiii tº    6

unas medias encarnadas        7

en Fran[cis]co Estevan en         8

un peso     i pº    9

unas medias de algodon en        10

Diego de Sosa en veinte e un         11

rreales    ii pº v tº    12

nueve pañuelos de me        13

sa de algodon en Domingo        14

de Olarte en tres         15

e medio     iii pº iiii tº    16

unas medias blancas de        17

algodon viejas en Juan         18

de Velastegui en nueve         19

reales     i pº i tº    20

dos paños de manos de        21

Çincheo viejos en Agustin         22

de Madrid en un peso     i pº    23

una pieça de cinabafa [92]A white Oriental type of fabric.        24

en Garçia de los Rios en         25

dos     ii pº    26

una pierna de manta        27

en tres tomines en Fran[cis]co         28

Gomez Rrenguifo    pº iii tº    29

tres pares de medias e un        30

tocador e dos pañuelos         31

5r

De lienço de China viejo        1

en Andres Toscano en         2

cinco r[eale]s    pº v tº    3

Una manta de moro en         4

Tomas de Hinestrosa en         5

dos tomines    pº ii tº    6

Un pabellon con su man        7

ga mançana [93]Apple-shape laces (remate), probably used in this case to cover the bed entirely to protect it against mosquitos and other animals. e cordeles en         8

Juan Velastegui en nueve    ix pº    9

10

una espada quebrada e        11

unos talabartes [94]Leather sword belts. en Diego        12

de Sosa en un peso    i pº    13

Quatro navajas e unas        14

tixeras en Pedro Gonçalez         15

en dos y quatro r[eale]s     ii pº iiii tº    16

Una escobilla en çinco rrea        17

les en Pedro de Balmaseda     pº v tº    18

dos tinterillos de plomo en        19

Diego de Sosa en seys r[eale]s     pº vi tº    20

Dos caxuelas coloradas en        21

Tomas de Hinestrosa en nue        22

ve reales    i pº i tº    23

tres frascos e dos frasqui        24

llos de bufano en Pedro         25

Gonçalez en veinte r[eale]s    ii pº iiii tº    26

Dos pares de tijeras e        27

dos madexas en Juanes de        28

Urquiola en veinte r[eale]s.     ii pº iiii tº    29

5v

una caxa de barbero ba        1

çia en Diego Lopez en        2

dos     ii pº    3

un estuche de barbero con        4

çinco lançetas con cabos        5

de plata y quatro hierros         6

de muelas e un canutillo        7

de agujas en quarto         8

e un tomin en Agustin de         9

Madrid    iiii pº i tº    10

unos asientos de cuellos        11

e unas trançaderas e        12

unas puntas de China en        13

Fran[cis]co Gomez Rrenguifo en        14

quatro r[eale]s    pº iiii tº    15

un baquerillo de tamenete        16

en Alexo de Murguia en cator        17

se reales.    i pº vi tº    18

otros quatro pedaçitos de        19

tamenete en Andres Toscano         20

en cinco r[eale]s.    pº v tº    21

una rropilla de raso rrota        22

e un pedaço de tafetan vie        23

jo en Pedro de Yturriçara en        24

çinco r[eale]s    pº v tº    25

una daga con su setrinas e        26

duo tuquillas en Lorenzo Pe        27

rez Guinea en Melchor de        28

Valencia en quince r[eale]s    i pº vii tº    29

dos pares de medias negras        30

y amarillas viejas en        31

Fran[cis]co Gomez Rrenguifo en        32

diez tomines    i pº ii tº    33

6r

dos coletos viejos en        1

Agustin de Madrid en        2

quatro r[eale]s    pº iiii tº    3

Unos calçones de rraso        4

viejos en Bernabe de Vera en        5

dose r[eale]s    i pº iiii tº    6

seis gatillos de sacar        7

muelas en ellos unas te        8

nazuelas e diez y seis herre        9

zillos y un estuche viejo        10

e una piedra de amolar        11

en Diego Lopez e otro es        12

tuche viejo en dose r[eale]s.    i pº iiii tº    13

un caxoncillo con unguen        14

tos e un peyne de marfil        15

e una navaja e otras me        16

nudençias de poco valor        17

en Diego Lopez en un peso     i pº    18

dos espejos guarneçidos        19

de evano de caxa de barbe        20

ro en dos en Gaspar        21

Alfonso.    ii pº    22

diez e nuebe libros viejos        23

dellos de cirugia e carta        24

paçios de mano de diferen        25

tes cossas en Diego Lopez en        26

quatro.     iiii pº    27

un basito de balsamo e        28

otro vaçio y un calçador         29

en Domingo de Ugarte en        30

quatro r[eale]s.    pº iiii tº    31

6v

un caxoncito con dos pa        1

nytos viejos e unas tiras        2

de terciopelo e un peine        3

en Melchor de Valencia en        4

quatro r[eale]s.     pº iiii tº    5

quatro dosenas de salçere        6

tas en Domingo de Olarte        7

en dos p[eso]s e m[edi]o.    ii pº iiii tº    8

una caxita tumbada en el d[ic]ho        9

en dose r[eale]s.    i pº iiii tº    10

una navaja e un canuto e        11

una salvadera en Domingo        12

de Olarte en dos con        13

unos papillos de almisque        14

vasios.    ii pº    15

una caxuela pequeña vie        16

ja en dies y siete reales en        17

P[edr]o Gonçales.    ii pº i tº    18

En este estado quedo la d[ic]ha        18

almoneda que d[ic]ho señor juez         19

resbio los de oro de les         20

de que doy fee siendo t[estig]os Diego         21

de Sosa e Juan Garçia @[n]te my Alv[ar]o        22

de Castillo esc[ribano] de mag[esta]d.         23

En el puerto de Acapulco a        23

catorse dias del mes de febrero        24

de mill e quinyentos e ochenta y siete        25

años el d[ic]ho señor juez de comision por        26

presentar de mi el presente de mi        27

por vos Juan, yndio ladino,        28

hizo almoneda de sus bienes.         29

7r

Juan Garcia Vazquez le entrego        1

e restavan del d[ic]ho difunto en es        2

ta manera:        3

Primeramente se remato un        4

tiborcillo de con un poco de        5

conserva de naranjada a e una         6

botija con un poco de aseite        7

en Agustin de Madrid en dose r[eale]s.     i pº iiii tº    8

Ytem se remato en el d[ic]ho A        9

gustin de Madrid una ti        10

naxa de vino de China en         11

çinco p[es]os e quatro tom[ine]s    v pº iiii tº    12

Ytem se rremataron en        13

Diego de Sosa quatro tina        14

jas de Borney en catorse        15

reales.     i pº vi tº    16

Ytem se remato en Luis        17

de Medina un colchonçillo        18

de medriñaque e una al        19

mohada e un aserillo e una         20

sobrecama de paño azul        21

vieja en tres y un        22

tomyn.     iii pº i tº    23

Ytem se remato en P[edr]o        24

Gonçalez un capotillo a        25

zul en tres e dos r[eale]s    iii pº ii tº    26

Y por no aver otra cossa alguna        27

del d[ic]ho difunto quedo en este es        28

tado la d[ic]ha almoneda y el d[ic]ho        29

senor juez recibió el dinero della.         30

7v

de que yo el escrivano doy fee        1

siendo t[estig]os al[ons]o de pareja e Diego        2

de sosa estantes en este puerto        3

e lo firmo el señor juez Diego de Mo        4

lina Padilla @[n]te my Alvaro de        5

Castillo escribano de mag[esta]tt.         6

Resbi yo Juan de Medina del        7

señor juez de comysion des        8

tas dos almonedas de A        9

gustin Sanchez dos         10

que me dio en rreales siendo        11

t[estig]o Bernardino Melen        12

dez a[nt]e my A[lva]ro de Castillo        13

escriv[an]o de mag[esta]tt.        15

En dos de março de myll e qui        16

nientos e ochenta y siete años        17

reçibi del senor Diego de Mo        18

lina y padilla juez de comy        19

sion seys de oro comun        20

de mys d[e]r[ech]os de dos almonedas         21

e otros autos fechos en los        22

bienes de Agustin Sanchez los        23

quales me pago en rreales e        24

lo firme Alvaro de Castillo         25

escriv[an]o de mag[esta]tt.        26

Resbi por la cobrança en        27

liçitud del almoneda de A        28

gustin Sanchez un peso e        29

lo firme en Acapulco a        30

quatro de março de myll        31

8r

Quinientos e ochenta e siete anos         1

Fran[cis]co de Mendoça paso @[n]te my         2

Alvaro de Castillo escribano de su         3

magestad.        4

En el galeon de magestad nom        5

brado Sant Martin en veinte e        6

seys de noviembre de myll e quinientos        7

ochenta y seys años a[n]te ylus[tr]e        8

senor Pedro de Ortega capitan deste         9

d[ic]ho galeon la presento el cont[enid]o        10

Ylu[str]e señor Gaspar Alfonso como al        11

bacea del general Amador de Arria        12

ran dijo que Agustin Sanchez di        13

funto es a cargo de los bienes del d[ic]ho        14

general de honze pesos por el va        15

lor de una botixa de açeite e un         16

tivor de conserva que saco en publica        17

almoneda como consta deesta fee        18

que presento         19

a v[uest]ra mer[ce]d pido y suplico man        20

de a Juan Garçia depositario de        21

los bienes de d[ic]ho Agustin Sanchez        22

me de e pague los d[ic]hos honze         23

e para ello se me de mandamyen        24

tto e pido justicia Gaspar Alfonso.        25

Y presentada la d[ic]ha peticion e        26

fee por donde consta averse        27

rrematado en el d[ic]ho Agustin        28

Sanchez la d[ic]ha botixa de aseyte         29

e tivor de conserva en los d[ic]hos         30

8v

Honze e no consta de pa        1

ga alguna mandava e mando q[ue]         2

de sus bienes se den e paguen        3

los d[ic]hos honze al d[ic]ho Gaspar         4

Alfonso e si para ello fuere me        5

nester vender algunos se vendan        6

hasta la d[ic]ha contia e ansi lo fir        7

mo e mando Pedro de Ortega a[n]te my         8

Diego de Çarate escrivano         9

nombrado.        10

En el d[ic]ho dia yo Diego de Çarate         11

escrivano nombrado deste d[ic]ho        12

galeon notifique el d[ic]ho mandamyen        13

to y auto a Juan Garçia Vazquez         14

alguacil rreal como atenedor e         15

depositario de los bienes de Agus         16

tin Sanchez çirujano el qual dixo         17

que estava presto de lo cum        18

plir dandole carta de pago        19

dello que d[ic]ho Gaspar Alfonso         20

rrecibio del d[ic]ho Juan Garçia por         21

bienes del d[ic]ho Agustin Sanchez        22

los d[ic]hos honze los seys en un         23

conoçimyento contra Juan Bautista         24

Trevino y Alonso Ortiz mercader        25

pasajero que esta ynventarian         26

do e los çinco en dineros con lo        27

qual el d[ic]ho Gaspar Alfonso se dio        28

por contento e por tal lo firmo        29

de su nombre e yo el escrivano que        30

de ello doy fee Gaspar Alfonso ante        31

mi Diego de Çarate escr[iban]o nombrado        32

9r

yo Diego de Çarate escrivano        1

nombrado deste galeon de        2

su magestad nombrado Sant        3

Martín doy fee a los señores        4

que la presente vieren como del         5

almoneda del general Amador        6

de Arriaran que sea en gloria de        7

las cossas que se vendieron        8

en ella saco Agustin Sanchez ci        9

rujano, que oy fallecio, una bo        10

tixa de açeite en ocho         11

de tipusque [95]Copper pesos (pesos de tepuzque), tepuzque meaning copper in Nahuatl. en un tibor de xen        12

gibre en tres como parece        13

por la d[ic]ha almoneda la qual di        14

a pedimyento de Gaspar Alfonso         15

maestre deste d[ic]ho galeon        16

f[ec]ho d[ic]ho, en veinte y quatro de novi[embr]e        17

de myll e quinyentos ochenta e         18

seys anos Diego de Çarate escriv[an]o        19

nombrado        20

Digo yo Luis Diaz Marento q[ue]         21

es verdad luego de ver al señor        22

Agustin Sanchez dose de        23

oro comun los quales me pres        24

to en memor y gracia para lo        25

qual me lo obligo de se los dar y        26

pagar los d[ic]hos dose ca        27

da e quando que me los pidie        28

re d[ic]ho para lo qual me obligo mi         29

9v

persona e bienes e rrogamos         1

a Manuel Fernandez que este i        2

seice e lo firmase como tes[tig]o         3

siendo testigos Al[ons]o Gomez que         4

es fecho en este puerto de Aca        5

pulco a dies e ocho de feb[re]ro         6

de mill e quinyentos ochenta e çinco        7

años yo Luis Dias lo firmo de my        8

nombre Manuel Fernandez, Luys Dias.        9

digo yo Agustin Sanchez ques        10

verdad que resbi de Luis Dias        11

seys para en quenta        12

deste conoçimyento desta otra         13

parte contenydo e para esto o         14

s digo que los otros seys         15

restantes no os los pedire         16

hasta que bolvamos a Acapul        17

co y es condiçion que si alguno         18

de los dos bolviere antes que el uno        19

quede otro antes que        20

el otro me los aveys de pa        21

gar en Manyla cada e cuando        22

que os lo pida aviendo y         23

aviendo de volver como d[ic]ho es        24

uno sin el otro e por verdad        25

lo firme de my nombre testigos        26

que fueron presentes a lo que        27

d[ic]ho es Miguel Lorca e don Alonso         28

Lucano e Fran[cis]co Nunez que        29

es fecho en la nao Sant Martin        30

de su magestad a catorse de a        31

10r

bril de myll e quinyentos e ochenta         1

e çinco años, Agustin Sanchez        2

sepan quantos esta carta vieren        3

como yo, Melchor Perez Morillo        4

mero çirujano residente en este        5

puerto de Acapulco otorgo e         6

conosco que devo y me obligo de        7

dar e pagar a vos Agustin San        8

chez, barbero residente en este d[ich]o        9

puerto o a quien v[uest]ro poder         10

uviere quarenta y un         11

de oro comun los quales devo e son        12

por rrazon de otros tantos p[es]o [s]         13

de d[ic]ho oro que me prestastes         14

en rreales e en t[iem]po que de ellos         15

tuve neçesidad e los resbi re        16

mente e con efecto y en rason del         17

entrego que de presentaron        18

parece renuncio la exceps        19

ion de la pecuania de leyes del        20

entrego prueba de paga como        21

en ellas se contiene los qua        22

les d[ic]hos quarenta e un         23

del d[ich]o oro prometo e me obligo         24

de os dar e pagar en rreales de         25

plata e no en otra moneda al        26

guna en este d[ich]o puerto en o         27

tras qualquiera parte que se        28

me pidieren de mandaren         29

de oy dia de la fecha desta carta         30

10v

En seys meses cumplidos primeros        1

siguientes llanamente e sin pley        2

to alguno va espresa obligaçion         3

que para ello hago de my per[son]a        4

e bienes avidos e por aver aber e doy         5

poder cumplido a qualesquier jus         6

ticias y jueces de su magestad        7

De qualesquier partes que sea        8

al fuero e juridisyon de los d[ic]ho         9

jueses me someto para que por        10

el rigor del d[erec]ho me compelan e         11

apremyen al cumplimyento de        12

todo ello como si fuese sent[enci]a        13

dyfinitiva de juez competente        14

contra my dada e pasada en cosa         15

juzgada sobre lo qual renun[ci]o         16

todas y qualesquier leyes fue        17

ros e d[erech]os que sean en my favor        18

el a que dice que general re        19

nunciacion fecha de leyes non v[al]e,        20

en testimonyo de lo qual otor        21

guela presente a[nt]e el escr[iba]no         22

e t[estig]os en el d[ich]o puerto de aca        23

pulco, a ocho de março de myll e        24

quinyetos e ochenta y quatro a[ño]s        25

y el d[ic]ho otorgante que yo el         26

d[ic]ho escrivano doy fee que conos        27

co lo firmo de su nombre siendo        28

a ello presente por testigos         29

Asençio de Mendez e Blas de         30

11r

Santamaria e Xtoval [96]Cristobal. Ra         1

mires residentes en Acapulco        2

Melchor Perez Morillo @[n]te        3

my Amador Perez escrivano        4

de magestad va enmendado Agu[sti]n        5

Yo el d[ic]ho Amador Perez escriv[an]o        6

de magestad presente fui a         7

lo que d[ic]ho es fise mi signo en        8

testimonyo de verdad Amador P[ere]z        9

escriv[an]o de mag[esta]tt.        10

En Mexico a veinte dias de m[e]s        11

de disiembre de myll e quinyentos e         12

ochenta e ocho años e l doc[to]r Al[ons]o        13

Martines, jues general de bienes de        14

difuntos mando que este rrecau        15

dose entregue a Juan de Avendano        16

vesino desta siudad a lo qual como a         17

hombre de espirencia en la cobran        18

ça de lo que se deve a este difunto         19

dio poder e facultad en forma        20

para que en virtud de las çerti        21

ficaçiones que es tan en este        22

proceso haga las diligencias         23

e autos que viere ser necesario        24

hasta sacar librança e cobrar         25

lo que por ella se deviere al         26

difunto e dar carta de pago e         27

a si myesmo cobre lo que procedio         28

de la almoneda que se hizo de los         29

vienes del difunto e sobre lo uno        30

11v

lo otro haga los autos e dili        1

gencias que viere ser necesa        2

rio e de lo que cobrarsele paga        3

ra su encomienda como convengan y         4

es costumbre e ansi lo mando e         5

firmo el doc[to]r Al[ons]o Martinez paso        6

@[n]te mi Her[nan]do de Paz.        7

En la ciudad de Mexico a siete         8

dias del mes de septiembre de        9

myll e quinyentos e ochenta e nue        10

ve años antes contador Gil Ver        11

dugo juez de rresultas de bienes de        12

difuntos parecio Diego de Molina        13

y Padilla jues de bienes de difun        14

tos que fue en el puerto de Aca        15

pulco por nombramyento de el         16

virrey desta Nueba España a dar quen        17

ta de los que cobro e fueron a         18

su cargo pertenecientes a Agustin        19

Sanchez difunto e aviendo exsibi        20

do ante el d[ic]ho contador el ynven        21

tario e almoneda que hizo de los        22

bienes del suso d[ic]ho e hiso el cargo         23

siguiente:        24

Primeramente se le ha        25

ze cargo a el dicho Diego        26

de Molina y Padilla de        27

çiento y veinte y quatro        28

y seis tomines de        29

oro comun que pareçe valie        30

12r

ron vendidos en almoneda     c xx iiii pº vi tº    1

publica los bienes de el         2

d[ic]ho Agustin Sanchez la        3

qual pareçe se hizo en el puer        4

to de Acapulco en seys         5

e catorse dias del mes de fe        6

brero del ano d[ic]ho ochenta y        7

siete por ante Alvaro de        8

Castillo escrivano que esta        9

en los autos foxas a seys e         10

siete         11

ytem seys del d[ic]ho oro    vi pº    12

que de resto de doze por         13

cedula devida d[ic]ho difunto         14

Luis Diaz marinero como por        15

ella parece a foxas diez        16

ytem, quarenta e un     xl i pº    17

del d[ic]ho oro que al d[ic]ho di        18

funto por escriptura de         19

obligaçion de plazo pasado         20

consta serle deudor Melchor         21

Perez Morillo cirujano q[ue]         22

passo ante Amador Pe[re]z        23

cirujano que passo ante        24

Amador Perez escrivano q[ue]        25

esta en los autos a foxa         26

honse        27

ytem, una certificaçion        28

firmada de Andres Cau        29

chela contador de la rr[ea]l        30

hazienda de la sudad de         31

Manyla su fecha en dose         32

12v

de junio del ano pasado de         1

ochenta y seys por la         2

qual consta lo que el su suso d[ic]ho        3

sirvio en la d[ic]ha çiudad        4

despues que llego el galeon         5

Sant Martin donde fue         6

el suso d[ic]ho que esta presente        7

da a foxas tres.         8

Por manera que suma y         9

monta todo lo que an    c lxx i pº vi tº    10

si se le a f[ec]ho cargo al d[ic]ho    oro comun    11

Diego de Molina y Padilla        12

por bienes del d[ic]ho Agustin        13

Sanchez difunto ciento e se    cargo    14

tenta e un seys    c lxx pº vi tº    15

tomines de oro comun en        16

la certificaçion arriba         17

rreferida y lo firmo de su         18

nombre y el d[ic]ho contador     i cert[ificaçi]on    19

e lo firmo de nombre sie        20

ndo t[estig]os Xptval de Texe        21

da e Juan Fran[ics]co vecinos        22

de Mexico Gil Verdugo Di[eg]o         23

de Molina y Padilla paso        24

@[n]te my Her[nand]o de Paz.         25

Y luego yncontinente [97]That means continuously, without break. el d[ic]ho        26

Diego de Molina y Padilla pidio         27

a el d[ic]ho contador le reciba en da        28

ta y descargo a el que se le tiene        29

hecho en contra lo que pago al         30

escrivano por los de[rech]os de almoneda         31

13r

y otras cossas que el d[ic]ho con        1

tador le recibió en data [98]Data (receipts) as opposed to cargo (expenses). lo siguiente        2

Data        3

Primeramente se le reciven        4

en data seys de oro    vi pº    5

comun que parece dio a Alv[ar]o        6

de Castillo escrivano ante        7

quien paso la almoneda         8

de algunos bienes que por        9

el d[ic]ho difunto se vendieron        10

de que dio carta de pago que        11

esta en estos autos y quenta        12

a foja siete.        13

ytem, tres del d[ic]ho     iii pº    14

oro que dio y pago los        15

dos dellos a Juan de Medina        16

por la venta de los d[ic]hos        17

bienes, y el otro a Bernardi        18

no Melendez por la solici        19

tud e cobrança de lo proçedi        20

do de el delos que exsibio        21

cartas de pago a fojas seys        22

y siete.         23

ytem la certificaçion de         24

que se tiene hecho cargo o        25

en contra la qual entrego        26

para la cobrança de ella         27

que da en los d[ic]hos autos        28

con esta cuenta a foxas tres        29

ytem un peso del d[ic]ho oro        30

que dio y pago a Hernando    i pº    31

13v

de Paz escrivano por los de        1

rechos desta quenta.         2

ytem quarenta e un        3

del d[ic]ho oro que da por no co        4

brados en la escriptura que        5

la d[ic]ha contia [99]Cuantía. se le tiene h[ec]ho        6

cargo que por escritura        7

deve a el d[ic]ho difunto Melchor        8

Morillo çirujano los quales        9

digo no cobro por no aver         10

parecido el suso d[ic]ho e la en        11

trego para la cobrança        12

dellos.     xl i pº    13

Que en la manera suso d[ic]ha    l i pº    14

que ansi se le a recivido     oro comun    15

y pasado en data al d[ic]ho        16

Diego de Molina y Padilla    c lxx i pº vi tº    17

en las quatro partidas         18

de la desta quenta por bie[ne]s    1 cert[ificaçi]on    19

del d[ic]ho Agustin Sanchez los         20

çinquenta e un de        21

oro comun en ellas conte    data    22

nydos que descontados    l i pº    23

de los çiento e setenta e un         24

e seys tomynes de        25

oro comun de que se le ti         26

ene f[ec]ho cargo con mas la        27

certificaçion en el ante    i cert[ificaçi]on    28

nyda y rresta que e alcança        29

do en ciento e veinte un p[esos]s    alcançe [100]The alcançe is the balance between receipts (data) and expenses (cargo).    30

seys tomines de oro comun     c xx i pº vi tº    31

14r

y en tantos se dio por alcan        1

çado e se obligo a los pa        2

gar e meter en la caxa e        3

deposito de bienes de difun        4

tos y a si mysmo entrego la         5

certificaçion de que se le        6

tiene fecho cargo e lo fir        7

mo de su nombre tes[tig]os los d[ic]hos        8

Gil Verdugo Diego de Molina         9

Padilla passo a[n]te mi Her[nan]do        10

de Paz.         11

De los ciento y veynte     lo derrebase    12

y seys tomynes del alcançe     vi pº    13

desta quenta se rebaten         14

seys de oro comun de que         15

se le tiene fecho cargo a el d[ic]ho        16

Molina por tantos devia        17

a el d[ic]ho difunto por çedula         18

e de rresto della Luis Dias        19

la qual entrego por        20

no cobrada        21

Juan de Avendano por lo que toca        22

a los bienes de Agustin Sanchez bar        23

bero que murio vinyendo de las islas         24

del poniente en el galeon Sant M[artin]         25

digo que para acudir a la cobrança         26

de lo que al d[ic]ho difunto se le deve        27

de la rreal caxa de su salario tengo         28

neçesidad de la certificaçion que el         29

d[ic]ho difunto haya de su serviçio que         30

esta con los autos        31

14v

A v[uest]ra mer[ce]d pido y suplico mande        1

se me de originalmente quedando         2

un traslado en el proceso e pido        3

justicia        4

Otro si quel escrivano presente        5

me de testimonyo del ultimo dia        6

mes y ano de su testamento para q[ue]        7

se le libre hasta el tal día el d[ic]ho su        8

serviçio y pido justicia Juan de Avendano         9

En Mexico a catorse dias del        10

mes de septiembre de myll e quinyen        11

tos e ochenta e nueve anos ante el do        12

tor Al[ons]o Martines juez general         13

de bienes de difuntos se lleyo esta pe        14

tiçion        15

e por el juez vista mando q[ue]        16

se le de la original que pide        17

quedando un traslado [101]This refers to a copy. e se le        18

de testimonyo del día del otor        19

gamyento del testamento del di        20

ffunto signado y en manera que la haga        21

fee passo a[n]te my Hernando         22

de Paz.         23

Di testimonyo de como por el yn        24

ventario pareçe el dia de la        25

muerte de Agustin Sanchez.        26

yo Andres de Cauchela contador         27

general juez e fiscal de la rre[a]l        28

15r

hasienda de su magestad destas         1

yslas Philipinas del ponyente         2

doy ffee a quien la presente         3

viere como Agustin Sanchez barbe        4

ro y çirujano que vino de la nueva         5

españa en el galeon de su magestad        6

Sant Martin para curar los         7

enfermos de la d[ic]ha nao el año pasa        8

do de quinyentos y ochenta y çinco         9

ha servido del d[ic]ho su ofiçio en la d[ic]ha         10

nao y en el hopital desta sudad         11

desde dies e nueve de junyo del d[ic]ho        12

ano hasta el dia de la fecha desta        13

ta resbido de su socorro por         14

quenta de su salario de la rreal         15

hasienda destas yslas veinte p[eso]s         16

de oro comun        17

En ffee de lo qual e para que de ello         18

conste di la presente en manyla a         19

dose dias del mes de junyo de myll e        20

quinyentos e ochenta y seys años         21

andres cauchela         22

corregida con la original que        23

se entrego a Juan de Avendaño         24

y e recibido Juan de Avendaño         25

Her[nan]do de Paz.        26

Sacose testimonyo que este pleyto         27

hasta aqui para Castilla e fue        28

ron por bienes de este difunto        29

juntas costas setenta e tres         30

15v

seys tomynes y ocho granos de oro        1

comun en la flota general ant[oni]o        2

navarro de prado ano de myll e        3

quinyentos e noventa e un años pagose         4

me a treynta y seys maravedies por onza de la         5

Saca va entre renglones Bernardino         6

Bala ytestado Agustin pase por testado etcer        7

E por ende fise aquí mi signo este firmo de su mano         8

Aviendose sacado este proceso y enviandose a los        9

reynos de Cast[ill]a el ano passado de noventa y uno la flota        10

general antonio navarro de prado y con el setenta y tres        11

p[eso]s seis t[omine]s y ocho granos de oro comunes q[ue] hasta entonces    12

habia líquidos en la caxa y deposito de bienes de difuntos perte    13

necientes al d[ic]ho Agustin Sanchez barbero difunto por aber ao    14

vido nueba que lo tomo el yngles con los demas processos que se    15

ynviaron de estos difu[nto]s el doctor Andres Çaldierna de Ma        16

riaca oydor desta re[a]l aud[ienci]a y jues general de los bienes de diff[unt]os    17

en esta Nueva Spaña mandese tornase a sacar otra vez        18

Y se ynbiase a los dichos reynos de Cast[ill]a este press[ent]e ano la flota    19

general M[arti]n Peres de Olaçabal que de pres[en]te ano se apresta para    20

ellos como se ynbia off[ici]o en Mex[ic]o a veinte días de mes de mayo    21

de myll quinyentos y noventa y dos a[no]s.        22

16r

[blank]

16v

[right margin]

Año de 1592

References

References
1

*This research was supported by, and contributes to the ERC AdG project TRANSPACIFIC that has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme (Grant agreement No. 833143).

An interactive feature of this article is available on the TRANSPACIFIC site

, This microsite also includes the companion podcasts by Angela Schottenhammer, Mathieu Torck, and Wim De Winter, “The Case of Agustín Sánchez” (Parts 1 and 2), TRANSPACIFIC Podcast, Ep. 2 and 3, March/May 2021.

María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala, with Karina Neria Mosco, Verónica Ramírez Ortega, and Alejandra Tolentino Ochoa, Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España (1572–1820) ¿miembros de un estamento profesional o una comunidad científica? [Serie Los Cirujanos En La Nueva España] (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2004), 31 et seq.

2 In November 1554, the first rules for hygiene on board ship were promulgated in Spain. They comprised simple responsibilities, such as sweeping and cleaning on and below the deck, or aromatising with rosemary once a week. This historical development is described in Salvador Clavijo y Clavijo, Historia del cuerpo de sanidad militar de la armada, (San Fernando: Tipografía de Fernando Espín Peña, 1925), especially, 35. Some physicians and surgeons who accompanied great military or discovery missions, such as Diego Álvarez Chanca, Luis Lobera de Ávila, Gregorio López or Dionisio Daza Chacón, occupy a special position in the history of medicine.
3 Angela Schottenhammer, Mathieu Torck, and Wim De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters (15th to 18th Centuries)”, Haiyangshi yanjiu 海洋史研究 18 (2022), 245–302.
4 Rodríguez-Sala, Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, 37.
5 Johanna Geyer-Kordesch and Fiona MacDonald, Physicians and Surgeons in Glasgow, 1599–1858: The History of the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow (London: The Hambledon Press, 1999), vol. 1, 79.
6 Sherry Fields, Pestilence and Headcolds: Encountering Illness in Colonial Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 109.
7 Shirley Fish, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565–1815 (Central Milton Keynes: AuthorHouse, 2011), 317.
8 Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla (AGI), Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14, Bienes de difuntos: Agustín Sánchez (1592), http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/94800?nm: “Autos sobre los bienes de Agustín Sánchez, cirujano de nao, que murió abintestato a bordo del galeón San Martín que navega por la costa de Nueva España al mando del capitán Pedro de Ortega.”
9 Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, siglos XVI–XVIII ¿estamento o comunidad?”, Cirugía y Cirujanos 70:2 (2002), 474.
10 Along with government officials, all officers on the Manila galleon, including the surgeon, were required to pay a 10% fee (media anata) on their annual salary. This was recorded in the annual reports of the Philippine treasury that can be found in the Contaduría fond at AGI.
11 Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 474.
12 As a rule, the galleons left Acapulco for the Philippines between early November and late March.
13 AGI, Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14, 1592.
14 See Carlos Romero Romero, “La gran aventura de un marino tarifeño”, Aljaranda 43 (2001), 5; Javier Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, Los encomenderos de Quito, 1534–1660: origen y evolución de una élite colonial [Publicaciones de la Escuela de Estudios Hispano Americanos de Sevilla. Filosofía y letras, 368] (Sevilla: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1993), 275; “Pedro de Ortega”, in Flint, Richard, Shirley Cushing Flint, Kevin Comerford, et al, A Most Splendid Company: A Database of People from Sixteenth-Century New Spain [website] (University of New Mexico Libraries, 2019), https://coronado.unm.edu/node/8852.
15 AGI, Patronato, 25, R. 29, Relación de mercaderías de Filipinas: galeón San Martín (1586), http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/121861?nm:Relación de las mercaderías que trajo de Filipinas el galeón San Martín, que llegó en diciembre de 1586, de las personas que las cargaron en aquellas islas y a las que iban consignadas.”
16 The Chinese coast guard had first seized the ship and its cargo, but the crew was able to get away and escape to Portuguese Macao. The crew mutinied and got rid of Mercado whereupon governor Diego Ronquillo decided to send somebody who could exert sufficient force to overcome the mutineers. The full account can be found in Horacio de la Costa, S.I., The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581−1768 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961), 51–53.
17 He is talking in the first person singular (i.e. yo).
18 The Royal Hospital in Manila always had a surgeon and an apothecary (both Spaniards).
19 In 1656, it was renamed Hospital de San Juan de Dios and still exists today.
20 In the context of the Anglo-Spanish War (1585–1604), the galleon may have been taken during English raids of Spanish ships in the Caribbean, for example, the blockade of Western Cuba in 1591. But the galleon may also have been captured in the eastern Atlantic waters, close to the Spanish mainland. Namely to prevent a Spanish naval recovery, Sir John Hawkins (1532–1592) proposed a blockade of the treasure supply of Spanish ships sailing from the Americas to Spain by organizing a constant naval patrol in the Atlantic waters off the coasts of northern Africa and south Spain. The English ship Revenge was on such a patrol in the summer of 1591 under the command of Sir Richard Grenville (1542–1591). The galleon may have been taken during one of these confrontations between the English and the Spanish, such as the battle of Flores, off the Azores Islands (30–31 August 1591), or subsequently on 9 September of that year. See, for example, the entries on “Sir John Hawkins” and the “Battle of Flores” in the Encyclopedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/biography/John-Hawkins-English-naval-commander and https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Flores-1591.
21 As for the demonym “Sangley”, see George B. Souza and Jeffrey Scott Turley (eds.), The Boxer Codex: Transcription and translation of an illustrated late sixteenth-century Spanish manuscript concerning the geography, history and ethnography of the Pacific, Southeast and East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 391. The Boxer Codex is an anonymous late sixteenth-century Sino-Spanish manuscript that provides information on early modern geography, ethnography, and history of parts of the western Pacific, as well as major segments of maritime and continental Southeast and East Asia. The illustration of the Sangleyes in the Boxer Codex shows a wealthy, or at least high-standing, couple. See Boxer mss. II, ca. 1590, Lily Library, Indiana University, f. 204, http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/general/VAB8326. This may in fact nourish the idea that it was the intention of this codex to highlight Spain’s primary business partners and to demonstrate Manila’s commercial potential to its intended audience, as suggested by Ellen Hsieh, “The Power of Images in the Boxer Codex and Cultural Convergence in Early Spanish Manila”, in Maria Cruz Berrocal and Cheng-hwa Tsang (eds.), Historical Archaeology of Early Modern Colonialism in Asia-Pacific: The Asia-Pacific Region (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2017), 118–145, 129. Portrayed are also a literati couple, Mandarín letrado (wenguan 文官), a princely couple, príncipe (taizi 太子), an emperor and his wife, rey (huangdi 皇帝), ff. 204–212. The first part of the codex—until we get to the illustrations of Chinese individuals, including the Sangley couple—is composed of a new, more realistic series of portraits of indigenous Asian peoples not seen in Western sources, but which emulate pre-existing ethnographic albums of officially known tributary peoples created for the Chinese court. See Manel Ollé and Juan Pau Rubiés (eds.), El Códice Boxer. Etnografía colonial e hibridismo cultural en las islas Filipinas [Transferéncies, 1400–1800] (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2019), 67.
22 “Sangley” was, thus, a Spanish transliteration, possibly even of an already existing term, designating Chinese merchants and the Chinese community in Manila. It has been interpreted as a Romanised transcription of either the Chinese characters changlai 常來 (as mentioned in the Boxer Codex), meaning “to come with frequency”; from the term shanglai 商來, meaning “to come to do business or to trade”; or possibly xialang 夏郎 (Minnan: siong-lai), referring to Chinese from Xiamen and, more generally, from Fujian (Minnan). But actually, the exonym seems to have arisen from some kind of linguistic misencounter, rendering the pronunciation of a foreign word, “sangley”, into Chinese. See the discussion in Guillermo Ruiz-Stovel, “Chinese Shipping and Merchant Networks at the Edge of the Spanish Pacific: The Minnan-Manila Trade, 1680–1840”, Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles (2019), 128–130. In this context, it has also been suggested that “sangley” is a Tagalog word, derived from shaing (merchant) and ley (traveller), see E. Arsenio Manuel, H. Otley Beyer, Chinese elements in the Tagalog language, with some indication of Chinese influence on other Philippine languages and cultures, and an excursion into Austronesian linguistics (Manila: Filipiniana Publications, 1948), 50. Probably, as the uses in Spanish sources suggest, the term was later also applied more generally to identify merchants, individuals and migrant communities of Chinese, and even other Asian origins in Asia. Manuel Pérez García has recently argued that the term “Sangley” may have aimed at stereotyping a native community that should be converted to Catholic faith, as well as to the customs and traditions of the Spanish crown. Pérez-García, Global History with Chinese Characteristics—Autocratic States along the Silk Road in the Decline of the Spanish and Qing Empires 16801796 [Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History] (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 137, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7865-6.
23 For a general survey, see also Fernando López-Ríos Fernández, Medicina Naval Española en la Época de los Descubrimientos (Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1993).
24 An extant version at the Biblioteca Nacional de España (BNE) is Giovanni de Vigo, Libro, o pratica en Cirurgia del muy famoso y experto Doctor Juan de Vigo […] traduzido de lengua latina en nuestro vulgar castellano por el Doctor Miguel Juan Pascual Valenciano (Toledo: Casa de Fernando de Sancta Cathalina, 1548), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000193830.
25 Although the author was neither a doctor nor a pharmacist, Laredo’s pharmacopoeia was highly valued because the author had been trained by Luis Lovera de Ávila (1480–1551), Núñez de Sevilla (fl. 16th cent.), and Rodríguez de Málaga (fl. 16th cent.). See Antonio Hernández Morejón, Historia bibliográfica de la medicina española (Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de Jordán e Hijos, 1843), vol. 2, 156. An early revised edition is extant as Bernardino de Laredo, Sobre el Mesue e Nicolao: Modus facie[n]di cu[m] ordine medicandi, a medicos e boticarios muy comun y necessario / agora nuevamente corregido por el mesmo autor i añadidas cosas muy notables (Sevilla: Casa d’Juan Cro[m]berger, 1534), https://books.google.com/books?id=iLMvjXrqdZgC.
26 Alejo Piamontes, Libro de los secretos del reverendo Don Alexo Piamontes. (Valladolid: Diego Ferna[n]dez de Cordova y Oviedo impressor del rey nuestro señor, a costa de Pedro Osete mercader de libros, 1595; Madrid: Viuda de Alonso Martín, 1624), https://bibliotecadigital.jcyl.es/es/consulta/registro.do?id=7905.
27 See Francisco Sánchez Capelot, La obra quirúrgica de Juan Fragoso (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1957); José M. López Piñero, “Fragoso, Juan”, in José M. López Piñero, Thomas F. Glick, Víctor Navarro, and Eugenio Portela Marco, Diccionario histórico de la ciencia moderna en España, I (A–L) (Barcelona: Ediciones Península, 1983), 355–356. Its full title reads: Cirugia universal, aora nuevamente emendada, y añadida en esta sexta impression, por el licenciado Juan Fragoso medico, y cirujano del Rey nuestro señor, y de sus Altezas. Y mas otros quatro tratados. El primero es, una suma de proposiciones contra ciertos avisos de cirugia. El segundo, de las declaraciones acerca de diversas heridas, y muertes. El tercero, de los aforismos de Hippocrates tocantes a cirugia. El quarto, de la naturaleza, y calidades de los medicamentos simples. Con privilegio (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1596). An extant seventeenth-century translation is available digitally: Juan Fragoso, La cirugia del licentiado Gio. Fragoso parti due. Nelle quali di tutte le cose, che alla cirugia appartengono, esattamente si ragiona. Tradotte dalla lingua spagnola nella italiana da Baldassar Grasso alias Baldassar Grassia, con l’aggionta di altri tre trattati utilissimi alla cirugia del secondo Gio. Fragoso (Venice: Presso Paolo Baglioni, 1686), https://books.google.com/books?id=Ry2Znyg60N4C.
28 Antonio Perez, Summa y examen de chirurgia y de lo mas necessario que en ella se contiene, con breves expusiciones de algunas sentencias de Hipocrates y Galeno (Madrid: Pierres Cosin, 1568). Images are taken from the copy held by the Universidad Complutense, which can be accessed at: https://books.google.com/books?id=0vCgTsRskxcC; or directly: https://ucm.on.worldcat.org/search?queryString=b1783202*. For further discussion, see Anastasio Rojo Vega, “Antonio Pérez y el doctor portugués. De la cirugía a la peste”, Revista española de investigaciones quirúrgicas 17:1 (2014): 49–55. We thank Dr Ignacio Chuecas Saldías for his assistance identifying this text.
29 Full title: El sobremesa y alivio de caminantes de Joan Timoneda; en el qual se contienen affables y graciosos dichos, cuentos heroycos y de mucha sentencia y doctrina. A 19th-century manuscript copy by Agustín Durán is available through the BNE (Mss/867), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000113333; and a 1917 facsimilar edition (Madrid: Melchor García) can be found here, https://archive.org/details/elsobremesayaliv00timo.
30 An early edition is Alonso López de Hinojosos, Summa y recopilación de cirugía, con un arte para sangrar, y examen de barberos (Mexico: Casa de Pedro Belli, 1595), https://archive.org/details/summayrecopilaci00lpez.The book is composed as follows: part I, 10 chapters on Anatomy and Body Parts, including surgical incisions (De la Anatomía y de las Partes del Cuerpo); part II, 7 chapters on Artificial Bloodletting (De la Sangría Artificial); part III, 27 chapters on Abscesses (De Apostemas); part IV, 13 chapters on Flesh wounds (De las Heridas Frescas); part V, 4 chapters on Yaws and Actinomycosis (Del Mal de las Bubas); part VI, 12 chapters on Fractures and Displacements (De Fracturas y Dislocaciones); and finally, part VII, 4 chapters on Pestilences (De Pestilencia). See also Gerardo Martínez-Hernández, “La llegada del cirujano Alonso López de Hinojosos a la Nueva España”, Revista Médica del Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social 49:4 (2011), 459–463; María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala, “Los libros de medicina y de cirugía impresos en la Nueva España y sus autores durante los dos primeros siglos de cultura colonial (1570–1692)”, Gaceta Médica de México 134:5 (1998), 587–608.
31 An early Spanish print is Johannes de Ketham, Compendio de la salud humana (Zaragoza?: Pablo Hurus, 1492), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000052266.
32 See Francisco Núñez de Oria, Regimiento y auiso de sanidad:que trata de todos los generos de alimentos y del regimiento della / agora nueuamente añadido y corregido por … Francisco Nuñez de Oria (Medina del Campo: Francisco de Canto, 1586), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000093013.
33 Book in two parts: the first one covers questions of the human body and the second one questions of morality, including also two dialogues on medicine, the treatise of the three great things (that is, gossip, disputes, and laughter), a song, and the comedy of Amphytrion. A late sixteenth-century edition is Francisco [López] de Villalobos, Libro intitulado Los problemas de Villalobos:que trata de cuerpos naturales y morales; y dos dialogos de medicina; y el tratado d[e]las tres grãdes; y vna cancion; y la comedia de Amphytrion (Sevilla: Casa de Hernando Díaz, 1574), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000105030.
34 Villalobos was one of the first doctors who described syphilis and gained a reputation for his Sumario de la medicina, including a Tratado sobre las pestíferas buvas (Salamanca: Antonio de Barreda, 1498), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000176839.
35 López-Ríos Fernández, Medicina Naval Española, 111. Farfán also describes scurvy and the administration of lemons and oranges as a remedy.
36 An early sixteenth-century Mexican print is Agustín Farfán, Tratado breve de medicina y todas las enfermedades, hecho por el Padre Agustin Farfan, Doctor en Medicina, y Religioso indigno de la Orden de San Agustin, en la Nueva España / agora nuevamente añadido (México: Imprenta de Geronymo Balli, 1610), https://archive.org/details/2554006R.nlm.nih.gov.
37 Francisco de Osuna, Segunda parte del Abecedario espiritual donde se tratan diversos exercicios en cada letra del suyo (Burgos: Juan de Junta, 1555), https://books.google.com/books?id=qyhoWxc5P3MC.
38 Francisco Hernández (1515? –1587), a botanist who was famous for his Historia natural de Nueva España (Natural History of New Spain). His works are available through the website of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), http://www.franciscohernandez.unam.mx/home.html.
39 Nancy Marquez, “Shifting the Frontiers of Early Modern Science: Astronomers, Botanists, and Engineers in Viceregal New Spain during the Habsburg Era, 1535–1700”, Ph.D. dissertation, Victoria University of Wellington (2017), 185, http://hdl.handle.net/10063/6196.
40 Juan Fragoso, De succedaneis medicamentis liber denuo auctus… Ejusdem animadversiones, in quamplurima medicamenta composita, quorum est usus in hispanicis officinis (Madrid [Mantua Carpetanorum]: Petrus Cosin, 1575), https://archive.org/details/hin-wel-all-00000717-001.
41 Leonard A. Irving, “Best Sellers of the Lima Book Trade, 1583”, The Hispanic American Historical Review 22:1 (1942), 16.
42 Juan Fragoso, Discursos de las cosas aromáticas, arboles y frutales y de otras muchas medicinas simples que se traen de la India Oriental (Madrid: F. Sánchez, 1572), https://archive.org/details/discursodelasco00fraggoog. See also José Luis Fresquet Febrer, Juan Fragoso y “Los Discursos de las Cosas Aromáticas, Arboles y Frutales…” (1572) [Clásicos españoles de la Medicina y la Ciencia] (Valencia: CSIC – Universitat de Valencia, 2001).
43 Linda A. Newson, Making Medicines in Early Colonial Lima, Peru. Apothecaries, Science and Society [Atlantic World. Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830, 34] (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 131.
44 Leonard A. Irving, “One Man’s Library, Manila, 1583”, Hispanic Review 15:1, Schevill Memorial Number (1947), 89. Irving refers to a document “Enero 1583. Documentos remitidos por el Comisario de Manila a los inquisidores de Mejico sobre varios asuntos” (AGN, Inquisición, tomo 133), mentioning books that possibly constituted part of a small personal library, introduced simply as “memoria de los libros sig.tes q traygo yo Trebiña”. Irving notes that it “seems safe to deduce, however, that this particular document relates to a collection of books brought around half the world to Spain’s most distant possessions less than two decades after the effective occupation of the Philippine Islands by Adelantado Legazpi…” (85).
45 See Schottenhammer, Torck, and De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters”, and “The Case of Agustín Sánchez” (Parts 1 and 2), TRANSPACIFIC Podcast.
46 Carlos Alberto Gonzáles Sánchez, “Los Libros de los Españoles en el Virreinato del Perú. Siglos XVI y XVII”, Revista de Indias LVI:206 (1996), 14: “De los 444 inventarios de Bienes de Difuntos del virreinato del Perú que en su momento analizamos, en 144, o lo que es lo mismo, en el 32,4 %, aparecen libros.”
47 Two other scientific titles identified in the lists of bienes de difuntos in the Viceroyalty of Peru are the Aritmética práctica y especulativa, by Pérez de Moya, and a famous nautical manual, the Regimiento de la mar, by Pedro de Medina. See González Sánchez, “Los Libros de los Españoles en el Virreinato del Perú”, 32.
48 Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 468–474. Another surgeon who passed away in the eighteenth century left in total 14 special medicinal works: el Fragoso de Cirugía Añadido, el Tratado de Apostemas, el Tratado Breve de Flebotomía, un Tratado de Peste y La Instrucción de Enfermos. Multiple extant editions can be found of the Libro de medicina, llamado Tesoro de Pobres (Alcalá: Casa de Juan Gracián [María Ramírez, viuda], 1602; Madrid: Diego Díaz de la Carrera, 1644; Barcelona: Pedro Escuder, 1700), 1644 ed.: https://books.google.com/books?id=A9CDNukLjBcC&pg.
49 “Resúmenes de cuentas de factoría y Real Hacienda”, 30 April 1725 to 20 March 1726, factor Don Juan de Arrazain, official judge of the Real Hacienda of Acapulco, AGI, Contaduría, 907, f. 40v.
50 We wish to thank Dr Ignacio Chuecas Saldías for the information that, in contemporary Spanish texts, the term bufano occurs referring to the Asian buffalo (búfalo asiático).
51 See Alonso Romano, Recopilacion de toda la theorica y practica de cirugia: Aora nueuamente lleua añadido un Tratado del modo de curar carnosidades y callos de la via de la orina de Miguel de Leriza, Cirujano Oficial de la Santa Inquisicion de Valencia (Valencia: por Benito Macè, junto el Insigno Colegio del Patriarca, 1665), 26, https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/009265417.
52  Barber-surgeons continued to let blood through the seventeenth century. Even the discovery of blood circulation, described by William Harvey (1578–1657) in 1616 (a finding published 1628), did not result in immediate changes in the methods or forms of bloodletting. In the sixteenth century, Hieronymus Cardanus (1505–1576) and Magnus Pegelius suggested the possibility of transferring blood directly from the vessels of one person to another. In 1615, Andreas Libavius (1546–1616) described a technique for direct blood transfusions, joining the artery of a robust young man to that of a feeble old man with the help of two silver tubes fitted into each other. See Jeffrey McCullough, Transfusion Medicine, 4th ed. (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2021), 1; Ann J. Wiseman, “The History, Development and Function of the Blood Transfusion Service (A Treatise presented for the Diploma in Public Health)”, The Journal of the Royal Institute of Public Health and Hygiene 8:28 (1965), 219. Until the early seventeenth century, basically all physicians relied on Galen’s theory that blood leaked continuously from the liver, like water coming down from a fountain, and then went to the periphery through the veins and nourished all tissues. The tissues absorbed and used up all blood, so that the liver had to replenish it continuously. Roberto Bolli, “William Harvey and the Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood, Part II”, Circulation Research 9:124 (2019), 1300–1302, https://doi.org/10.1161/CIRCRESAHA.119.314977.
53 Tubes of bone, bamboo, wood or metal were attached to animal bladders or bags made of silk or other fabrics. By the sixteenth century, clyster syringes made of silver, ivory, or pewter became more widespread.
54 Vitamin C is instrumental in the absorption of iron from vegetable foods, and in the synthesis of collagen. It supports the immune system in the protection from diseases. In order to keep the body in a healthy condition, humans need a regular intake of vitamin C. For further details, see the contribution by Mathieu Torck in our forthcoming second issue, as well as the related podcast: Torck, “Scurvy”, TRANSPACIFIC Podcast, Ep. 5, 17 Dec 2021 [Podcast, website, 37:48], https://crossroads-research.net/podcast-scurvy.
55 María Luisa Rodríguez-Sala, “Los Cirujanos de las Fuerzas Armadas en la Nueva España. ¿Miembros de un Estamento Ocupacional o una Comunidad?”, Ludus Vitalis XI: 19 (2003), 105, with reference to AGI, Contratación, 487, N. 1, R. 14 (1592): “Autos sobre los bienes de Alonso Sánchez de Herrera, cirujano de la Armada de Juan de Alcega, difunto en la Nueva España, heredera: Beatriz de Herrera y Juana, hija.”
56 AGI, Filipinas, 23, R. 2, N. 4, Expediente sobre los socorros y el situado de Filipinas (21 June 1661), image 57, http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/description/421637?nm.
57 He was carrying mercury to be sold in Mexico with a 300% profit.
58 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, Giro del mondo. 5, Contenente le cose piu ragguardevoli vedute nell’isole Filippine (Venezia: Coleti, 1728), 248, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München—It.sing.1482, f-4/5, https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/view/bsb10469880?page=256,257. The English translation is quoted from Shirley Fish, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons, 373.
59 For example, Gerry Greenstone, “The history of bloodletting”, BC Medical Journal 52:1 (2010), 14; Desroches, Jean-Paul, Gabriel Casal, and Franck Goddio (eds.), Treasures of the San Diego (New York: Association of Filipino American Accountants, 1994; Manila: National Museum of the Philippines, 1997
60 Schottenhammer, Torck, and De Winter, “Surgeons and Physicians on the Move in the Asian Waters”.
61 Philip II officially sponsored the exploration and investigation of American (and Philippine) native plants and medicine. The royal decree (real cédula) of 11 January 1570 created the Protomedicato de Indias to oversee medical training, and the Spanish were required to consider the medical knowledge and experience that indigenous peoples possessed on medicinal herbs, trees, plants, seeds, etc., as well as report on local diseases. This real cédula opened the door for the first and most important pharmacological expedition to the Americas, namely the voyage of Francisco Hernández (1515? –1587) to Mexico between 1570 and 1577. See Carmen Sánchez Téllez, “La medicina misionera en Hispano-América y Filipinas durante la época colonial”, Estudios de historia social y económica de América 6 (1990), 33–39.
62 See Gran Diccionario Náhuatl (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2018), http://www.gdn.unam.mx/diccionario/consultar/palabra/picietl/id/188963.
63 Rui Liu, Min Wang, and Jin-ao Duan, “Antipyretic and antioxidant activities of the aqueous extract of Cornu bubali (water buffalo horn)”, American Journal of Chinese Medicine 38:2 (2010), 293–306, https://doi.org/10.1142/S0192415X10007853.
64 Rui Liu, Qiong Huang, Jinjun Shan, Jin-ao Duan, Zhenhua Zhu Pei Liu, Yong Bian, Er-xin Shang, and Dawei Qian, “Metabolomics of the Antipyretic Effects of Bubali Cornu (Water Buffalo Horn) in Rats”, PLoS ONE 11(7): 2016, e0158478, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0158478.
65 John Burnett, “The Gustiani Medicine Chest”, Medical History 26 (1982), 329.
66 Unfortunately, no details are provided; the text just speaks of aceite.
67 Over 60% of the auction proceeds came from only five repeat buyers: Domingo de Olarte/Ugarte (13.5 pesos), Pedro Roncesvalles (14.25), Agustín de Madrid (14.125), Pedro González (12.375), Juan de Velástegui, and Bernabé de Vera (9.5). Their names appear repeatedly in the manuscript.
68 Antonio García-Abásolo, “The Private Environment of the Spaniards in the Philippines”, Philippine Studies 44:3 (1996), 349–373: “Even if they had died without leaving their testament, this institution took care of starting the necessary procedures to find out the identity of these deceased and trace their heirs” (350).
69 Research on probate proceedings (autos de bienes de difuntos) has become a field in its own right. Historians have focused on wide ranging issues, such as legal practices, and customs, religiosity and attitudes towards death, evidence of book circulation, and capital flows between the colonies and Spain. See Carlos Alberto González Sánchez, Dineros de ventura: la varia fortuna de la emigración a Indias, siglos XVI–XVIII (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 1995).
70 Ibid., 32.
71 María Belén García López, “Los Autos de Bienes de Difuntos en Indias: El caso del sevillano Baltasar Tercero”, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos (2010), http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/59829.
72 José Luis Soberanes Fernández, “El Juzgado de Bienes de Difuntos”, Revista Chilena de Historia del Derecho I:22 (2010), 637–638.
73 Rodríguez-Sala, “Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España”, 472.
74 Ibid., 474, reference 4.
75 AGI, Contratación, 923, N. 21, Bienes de difuntos: Jerónimo de Silva (1590): “Autos sobre los bienes de Jerónimo de Silva, barbero y cirujano de nao, natural de Oporto (Portugal), hijo de Juan y Catalina González, casado con Isabel Rodríguez, vecina de Sevilla. Falleció en Nueva España, con testamento.”
76 AGI, Contratación, 354, N. 10, Autos de bienes de difuntos (1623): “De Hernán de Alba, barbero y cirujano de la nao almiranta, natural al parecer de Sevilla, y difunto en Veracruz.”
77 AGI, Contratación, 420, N.2, Bienes de difuntos: Francisco García Matamala (1642); “Testamento. inventario y almoneda de los bienes de Francisco García Matamala, cirujano de la almiranta de la flota del general Juan Pujadas y Gamboa, natural de Córdoba y muerto en Veracruz. Herederos sus hijos, Francisco y Jerónima.”
78 AGI, Contratación, 466, N. 4, R. 5, Bienes de difuntos: Antonio de Monzonias (1701): “Autos sobre declarar por testamento la memoria de don Antonio de Monzonias, licenciado en cirugía, natural de la villa de Maella, en el reino de Aragón, hijo de Esteban de Monzonias y Leonor de Villanueva, cirujano en el navío nombrado Jesús María y José y las Animas, cuyo capitán es don Gaspar de Aranguren, de la flota del cargo del general don Manuel de Velasco y Tejada, que murió en la ciudad de la Nueva Veracruz. Heredero: Leonor de Monzonias, su hermana, natural y vecina de Maella, y en su defecto, al hijo de ésta José Rodrigo de Roda. Albaceas: el capitán Gaspar de Aranguren y al capellán del navío don Alejandro Juan de Torres.”
79 AGI, Contratación, 983, Autos de bienes de difuntos: Juan de Castro Infante (1704–1711): “Poder y testamento en virtud de él, inventario y otras diligencias de Juan de Castro Infante, cirujano de nao, difunto en la Nueva Veracruz.”
80 The others served on trans-Atlantic galleons and sailed between Sevilla and New Spain. Jerónimo de Silva served on the Santa María Begoña (1589), under captain Cristobal Sánchez, while Antonio de Monzonias served on the Jesús, María, José y las Ánimas, departing from Guadalquivir (Sevilla) in 1701. Juan de Castro passed away on the return to Spain, and his widow and local authorities signed the documents in Málaga and Sevilla in 1711.
81 See also Rodríguez-Sala, Los cirujanos del mar en la Nueva España, 11.
82 Letters of other individuals.
83 Maese or maestre, usually referring to a doctor, in Portuguese.
84 An archaic expression, designating gifts or presents.
85 This should be trençadera / trenzadera, a braided rope, RAE, Diccionario de la lengua española (DLE).
86 A kind of curtain that is hung up in front of a doors, as shelter or ornament (DLE).
87 Should read deber.
88 A type of linen. The name is derived from its place of origin, that is Anjou in France.
89 These are subsequently listed as three açerilllos, small cushions.
90 This was a kit for starting fire, where the flint and tinder (pedernal y yesca) were stored inside what was called a libro de palo. We thank Dr Ignacio Chuecas Saldías for his assistance in identifying this object.
91 Embroidered.
92 A white Oriental type of fabric.
93 Apple-shape laces (remate), probably used in this case to cover the bed entirely to protect it against mosquitos and other animals.
94 Leather sword belts.
95 Copper pesos (pesos de tepuzque), tepuzque meaning copper in Nahuatl.
96 Cristobal.
97 That means continuously, without break.
98 Data (receipts) as opposed to cargo (expenses).
99 Cuantía.
100 The alcançe is the balance between receipts (data) and expenses (cargo).
101 This refers to a copy.